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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 

1980 


Technical  Notes  /  Notes  techniques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Physical 
features  of  this  copy  which  may  ah'*)r  any  of  the 
images  in  the  reproduction  are  checked  below. 


L'institut  a  microfilm*  le  meiileur  exempiaire 
qu'il  lui  a  AtA  possible  de  se  procurer.  Certains 
d«fauts  susceptibles  de  nuire  A  la  quaiit*  de  la 
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Coloured  maps/ 

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Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dAcolories,  tachetdes  ou  piqu4es 


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Bibliographic  Notes  /  Notes  bibliographiques 


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The  images  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
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or  thd  symbol  V  (moaning  "END"),  whichavar 
appiias. 

Tha  original  copy  was  borrowad  from,  and 
f ilmad  with,  the  Icind  consent  of  the  following 
institution: 

Library  of  tha  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 

Maps  or  plates  too  large  to  be  entirely  included 
in  one  exposure  are  filmed  beginning  in  the 
upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to  right  and  top  to 
bottom,  as  many  frames  as  required.  The 
following  diagrams  illustrate  the  method: 


Les  images  suivantas  ont  At*  reproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattet*  da  I'axemplaira  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avac  les  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmage. 

Un  dee  symboles  suivants  apparaTtra  sur  la  der- 
niire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le  cas: 
la  symbole  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le  symbole 
▼  signifie  "FIN". 

L'exemplaira  film*  fut  reproduit  grAce  *  la 
g*n*rosit*  da  r*tablissement  prAteur 
suivant : 

La  bibliothAqua  dee  Archives 

publiques  du  Canada 

Les  cartes  ou  les  planches  trop  grandes  pour  Atre 
reproduites  en  un  seul  clichA  sont  filmAes  A 
partir  da  I'angle  supArieure  gauche,  de  gauche  A 
droite  et  de  haut  en  bas,  an  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Le  diagramme  suivant 
illustre  la  mAthode  : 


Y-  i 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

/Iftunsell's 
Ibistorical  Series. 

mo.  17. 


''"% 


'  ■   s 


4 
#■ 


THE 


OHIO  VAIvIvKY 


■{% 


IN 


COLONIAL  DAYS. 


BY 


BERTHOLD  FERNOW, 

Honorary  and  Corresponding  Member  of  the  Historical  Societies  of  New  York,  New 

Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  Buffalo  and  Waterloo:  Member  of  the  Am. 

Historical  Association:    late  Custodian  of  the  State  Archives, 

and  Assistant    State   Librarian  at  Albany,  N.   V. 


■-  i-A> 


ALBANY,  N.  Y.: 

JOEL    MUNSELl's   sons,    PUBLISHERS. 
1 890. 


i'' 


rjr  Tt  11  .ugT|7.iii'i  «a 


PREFACE. 


A  reviewer  of  "The  Family:  An  Historical  and 
Social  Study,"  published  a  few  years  ago,  criticised 
this  volume  in  the  following  words:  "  Perhaps  the 
greatest  lack  of  this  book  is  a  preface,  for  the  merit 
of  a  compilation  of  this  sort  depends  upon  the  end 
aimed  at  and  the  method  followed." 

The  writer  of  the  following  pages  desires  to  obvi- 
ate  such  criticisms  and  to  assist  the  above  reviewer  in 
what  is  evidently  his  practice  of  reviewing,  namely 
to  depend  on  the  preface  for  his  idea  of  the  book 

The  history  of  all  ages  and  of  all  nations  offers 
the  most  abundant  sources  for  romancing,  and 
many  an  historian  has  paid  more  attention  to  the 
picturesque  and  romantic  sides  of  the  questions  be- 
fore  him,  than  to  the  bare  matter  of  fact.  Prescott's 
Conquest  of  Mexico,"  Abbot's  "  History  of  Napo- 
leon,  are  delightful  reading  for  everybody,  but  also 
most  unfaithful  guides  to  the  earnest  historian. 

Another  stumbling  block  for  the  historical  writer 
IS  to  look  upon  events,  occurred  in  past  ages,  with 
the  eyes  of  to-day,  and  thus  to  impute  to  the  actors 
m  these  events  motives,  which  must  remain  hidden 


6  Preface. 

and  cannot  be  understood,  unless  brought  to  cotem- 
poraneous  light  by  the  actors  themselves. 

The  writer  of  this  volume  has  tried  to  avoid  both, 
Scylla  and  Charybdis,  and  has  at  the  same  time 
taken  care,  not  to  become  a  mere  annalist.  How 
far  he  has  succeeded,  the  reader  must  judge. 

It  is  perhaps  proper,  that  a  citizen  of  New  York 
should  write  of  the  Ohio  Valley,  because  by  the  trea- 
ties of  1 701,  1726  and  1768,  made  on  New  York 
territory  and  by  New  York  influences,  the  former 
owners  of  the  Ohio  territory,  the  aboriginal  rulers 
of  the  eastern  half  of  this  continent,  placed  the 
largest  share  of  their  country  under  the  protection 
of  New  York,  and  because  the  latter  State  made  a 
union  of  the  Colonies  possible,  by  ceding  to  New 
England  claimants — claimants  under  Royal  paper 
titles —  so  much  of  the  territory,  derived  from  the 
original  owners. 

The  student  of  American  history  will  find  some 
hitherto  unpublished  and  unknown  material  in  this 
volume;  beyond  that  it  is  only  an  arrangement  of 
already  known  facts,  scattered  through  a  library  of 
books  on  the  subject. 


■ 


CONTENTS. 


PACK. 

Chapter        I.  Discovery 

9 

II.  Geographical  Knowledge ,y 

III.  The  Indians  of  the  Ohio  Valley 30 

IV.  The   Beginning  of  the   Struggle   for 

Supremacy g 

V.  The  Contest  Transferred  to  the  Ohio 
Valley » 

oj 

VI.  The  French  Masters  of  the  Ohio  Val- 
ley  

134 

VII.  The  Flag  of  St.  George  Floats  again 

over  the  Valley j-^ 

VIII.  Indian  Wars . 

105 

IX.  North  and  West  of  the  Ohio 17, 

X.  South  of  the  Ohio jg 

Appendix 

217 


r 


CHAPTER  I. 


DISCOVERY. 

Who  was  the  first  man  of  European  race,  to  see 
the  waters  of  the  Ohio  Valley  ? 

Was  it  Ferdinand  de  Soto,  the  Adelantado  of 
Cuba,  upon  whom  Emperor  Charles  V,  had  conferred 
the  title  of  Marquis  of  all  the  lands,  which  he  should 
conquer  on  his  exf>o  lition  to  Florida  in  1539  ?  Luis 
Hernandez  de  Biedma,  who  accompanied  this  expe- 
dition, tells  us,  that  after  marching  about  in  what 
are  now  the  States  of  Florida,  Georgia  and  Alabama, 
for  eighteen  months,  the  explorers  found  themselves 
in  November,  1540,  in  the  Province  of  Chicaza,  or 
Chicaca,  where  they  suffered  extremely  from  the 
cold,  and  where  "  more  snow  falls  than  in  Spain." 
According  to  a  map  of  Carolana,*  Chicazas  was  an 
Indian  village  on  the  Casqui  or  Cusates  river,  and  if 
the  Indian  tribe  of  the  Chickasaws  had  not  moved 
their  habitations  since  De  Soto's  visit,  we  must 
assume,  that  this  expeditionary  force  of  1539  were 
the  first  Europeans,  who  entered  the  valley  of  Ohio, 
as  they  were  the  first  to  see  the  Mississippi.  In 
the  same  account  we  find  a  river  mentioned  under 


*  In  Daniel  Coxe's  Description  of  the  English  Province  of  Carolana, 
London,  1722. 


Ikl 


lO 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  name  of  Sasquechana ;  is  the  Susquehannah 
meant  ? 

De  Witt  Clinton  said,  in  a  paper  on  the  Ohio  In- 
dians, that  De  Soto  and  his  army  built  forts  at  the 
m  ^f  the  Muskingum.     What  was  his  authority 

foi  ti..    statement? 

In  1568,  Sir  John  Hawkins  left  England  with  a 
squadron  of  ships  on  an  errand,  which  to-day  might 
be  considered  piracy  and  high-handed  robbery.  He 
expected,  to  make  himself  a  rich  man  by  pillaging 
Spanish  settlements  in  Central  America.  Occur- 
rences, which  it  is  not  necessary  to  detail  here,  com- 
pelled him  to  put  part  of  his  crew  ashore,  probably 
within  the  limits  of  modern  Nicaragua.  Some  of 
these  sailors  made  their  way  across  the  North  Ameri- 
can continent  to  within  fifty  miles  of  Cape  Breton, 
where  a  French  fishing  vessel  picked  them  up  and 
carried  them  home  to  England.  Did  they  enter  the 
valley  of  the  Ohio?  We  may  suppose  so.  The 
story  of  their  wanderings,  as  told  to  "  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham,  one  of  her  Majesty's  (Queen  Elizabeth) 
principal  Secretaries,  Sir  George  Peckham  and  others 
of  good  judgment"  in  1582,  hardly  mentions  any 
locality,  by  the  peculiarities  of  which  their  route 
might  be  traced,  except  the  Crystal  mountain,  now 
Mount  Washington,  in  New  Hampshire,  until  they 
came  to  Ochala  and  the  Saganas.* 

Of  the  few  Indian  words,  given  in  the  recital,  it 
is  possible  to  identify  only  one.     Ingram,  o.'^e  of  the 

*  Probably  Hochelaga,  now  Montreal,  and  the  Saguanah  or  Saguenais  river. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


II 


sailors,  tells,  that  the  Indians  called  the  sun  — 
Kerucca;  the  Onondaga  Dictionary  of  Father 
Bruyas,*  missionary  among  this  tribe  about  1688, 
gives  the  Onondaga  word  for  sun  as  "  Garrakoua." 
Garricona,  Ingram's  Indian  word  for  king,  may  be 
the  same  as  the  Iroquois  Corachkoo,  great  chief,  but 
it  is  also  similar  to  the  Quappas  Indians  (Arkan- 
sas) word  Karikeh,  king. 

An  essay  on  the  tale  of  this  trampf  says:  "  It 
would  appear,  that  he  (Ingram  and  his  two  compan- 
ions), left  the  border  of  Texas  and  started  for  the 
Atlantic  coast  (presumably  due  east),  where  he 
hoped,  to  find  some  English  vessel.  He  appears  to 
have  reached  or  have  heard  of,  the  Altamaha,  in 
Georgia  and  kept  on  north-easterly,  passing  through 
the  present  territory  of  New  York,  Connecticut  and 
Massachusetts."  If  the  travellers  had  reached  the 
shores  of  the  Atlantic  ocean  as  far  south  as  Georgia 
or  even  farther  north,  why  then  should  they  have 
again  gone  inland  as  far  as  Hochelaga  and  the 
Saguenay?  The  mention  of  these  Indian  names, 
already  known  since  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, seem  to  indicate,  that  Ingram  had  some  idea, 
of  where  on  the  continent,  with  the  dimensions  of 
which  he  had  probably  become  acquainted  during 
his  life  at  sea,  a  chance  for  a  return  to  England 
might  be  found ;  that  therefore  these  men  started  on 
their  weary  tramp  in  a  direction  north-east  by  east 

*  Published  by  J.  G.  Shea,  1859. 

-|  Mag.  of  Am.  History',  March,  1833. 


12 


The  Ohio   Valley 


and  thus  crossed  somewhere  the  waters  of  the  Ohio 
Valley. 

Domine  Johannis  Megapolensis,  the  first  Christian 
minister  at  Albany,  N.  Y.,  wrote  to  his  ecclesiastical 
superiors,  the  Classis  of  Amsterdam  in  Holland,  on 
the  28th  of  September,  1658:*  "  Le  Moynef  told  me 
that  during  his  residence  among  the  Indians,  he  had 
found  a  salt  spring  about  100  (Dutch)  miles  from 
the  sea.  J  *  *  *  Also  another  spring,  from  which 
oil  issued,  at  least  water,  upon  which  oily  matter 
floats,  used  by  the  Indians  to  grease  their  hair." 

Was  this  the  first  discovery  of  Oil  creek  in  Alle- 
gany county,  N.  Y.,  which  makes  its  way  into  the 
Ohio,  passing  through  one  or  two  Pennsylvania 
counties,  and  must  we  allow  the  honor  of  having 
also  discovered  the  waters  of  the  Ohio  Valley  to  Le 
Moyne,  or  did  the  Jesuit  refer  to  oil,  found  on  the 
waters  of  Seneca  lake  ? 

Champlain  gave  to  the  world  the  first  positive 
information  concerning  the  great  inland  sea,  which 
though  not  belonging  to  the  Ohio  VaPey,  borders  it 
on  the  north.  He  saw  its  neighbor,  Lake  Ontario, 
and  received,  in  161 5,  his  knowledge  of  Lake  Erie 
from  Etienne  Brule,  a  traveller  on  its  waters  or 
along  its  shores.  But  Champlain's  map  of  1632  has 
nothing  to  say  of  the  Ohio  river,  of  which  neither 
Etienne   Brule  nor  any  of   the   coureurs   des   bois 

^Amsterdam  Correspondence,  MSS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Genl.  Synod 
of  the  Reformed  Church. 

f  A  French  Jesuit,  a  missionary  among  the  Onondaga  and  Seneca  Indians. 

X  Onondaga  Co.,  N.  Y. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


n 


after  him  seemed  to  have  heard  any  thing,  although 
like  the  Jesuits  they  penetrated  west  beyond  Lake 
Erie.  Here  we  recognize  the  fingers  of  the  Five 
Nations  in  the  pie  of  colonial  Indian  policy.  French- 
men, knowing  of  the  tribes  south  of  the  lakes,  had 
to  go,  if  they  wanted  to  trade  with  them,  by  the 
so-called  Ottawa  route,  because  the  Iroquois  hated 
the  French  and  would  only  in  exceptional  cases 
allow  them  to  enter  into,  but  not  pass  through  their 
territory.  Nearly  half  a  century  had  passed  after 
Brule's  discovery  of  Lake  Erie,  when  a  French 
missionary  was  told,  in  1663,  of  a  river  nearly  as 
large  as  the  St.  Lawrence,  taking  its  course  south- 
west and  west.  A  few  years  later  Dallier,  another 
missionary,  received  also  some  vague  information 
concerning  this  western  river,  which,  after  having  fol- 
lowed it  for  seven  to  eight  months,  would  bring  the 
traveller  to  a  place  where  the  land  was  cut  off,  that  is, 
where  the  river  fell  into  the  sea.  Dallier's  inform- 
ants called  this  river  the  "  Ohio."*  The  Delawares 
called  it  Alliwegi  Sipee,  that  is  the  river  of  the 
Alliwegi,  hence  our  modern  Allegany.  Many  Indian 
tribes  were  said  to  live  on  this  river,  none  of  whom 
had  ever  been  seen  in  Canada,  and  some  of  them 
were  so  numerous,  that  they  had  twenty  villages. 
These  reports  inflamed  the  adventurous  spirit  of 
Robert  Cavelier  de  la  Salle  and  inspired  him  with  a 
desire  to  discover  a  new  route  to  the  South  sea  or 


!3lv 


''*'According  to  Bruyas  this  is  a  Mohawk  word  and  means  "Beautiful 
River;"  Bruyas  says  lo  in  composition  expresses  the  beauty  of  the  object. 


14 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  Pacific  ocean.  He  obtained  from  the  governor 
of  Canada  not  only  liberty  to  go  on  this  venturesome 
journey,  but  also  a  patent  authorizing  him,  to  make 
all  kinds  of  discoveriei:  and  soldiers  to  assist  him. 
Fathers  Dallier  and  Gallinee  were  sent  with  him, 
and  on  the  7th  of  July,  1669,  the  travellers  started 
from  La  Salle's  seigneurie  of  La  Chine.  After 
thirty  days  of  toiling  up  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
breasting  the  waves  of  Lake  Ontario,  they  reached 
the  Seneca  village  on  the  Genesee  river,  where  they 
hoped  to  obtain  guides,  who  could  lead  them  to  the 
Ohio.  They  learned,  that  the  head-waters  of  the 
river  were  not  far,  but  instigated,  it  is  suspected,  by 
the  Jesuit,  Pere  Fremin,  stationed  there,  the  Senecas 
tried  to  dissuade  La  Salle  and  his  companions,  the 
missionaries  of  the  Sulpitian  order,  from  the  journey 
because,  they  said,  "if  you  go  to  the  Ohio,  the  In- 
dians there  will  kill  you."  After  a  tedious  delay  of 
a  whole  month,  a  Ganastogue  Indian  from  near  the 
head  of  Lake  Ontario,  offered  to  help  them  and  con- 
ducted the  party  to  his  village,  where  they  were 
given  two  Indian  slaves  as  guides.  La  Salle  re- 
ceived a  Chaouanon  (Shawanoe),  the  other,  who  fell 
to  the  Sulpitians,  was  a  Nez  Perce.  These  guides 
told,  that  it  would  take  a  march  of  one  and  a  half 
months  to  reach  the  first  tribe  on  the  Ohio.  While 
preparing  to  start,  a  countryman  of  the  travellers 
arrived  at  the  same  village.  It  was  Joliet,  a  native 
of  Canada,  who  had  originally  been  destined  for  the 
church,  but  who  driven  by  a  restless  spirit  to  adopt 


In  Colonial  Days. 


15 


the  life  of  a  coureur  des  bois  and  Indian  trader  was 
now  returning  from  a  western  journey,  made  to  dis- 
cover the  copper  mines  on  Lake  Superior.  He  told 
of  a  tribe  of  Poutaouatamies,  living  on  the  great 
ri\er,  leading  to  the  Chaouanons,  and  this  induced 
^he  Sulpitians,  who  probably  mistook\jiem  for  Out- 
aouacs,  to  decide  that  they  would  go  there  and  try 
to  convert  them.  After  spending  the  fall  and  winter 
at  Long  Point,  during  which  time,  in  October,  1669, 
they  took  formal  possession,  in  the  name  of  Louis 
XIV,  of  the  lands  on  Lake  Erie,  they  continued 
their  journey  along  the  north  side  of  the  lake,  but 
while  camping  at  Point  Pelee,  the  lake  robbed 
them  of  their  altar  service,  and  they  decided  to 
make  their  way  home,  via  Detroit  and  the  Ottawa 
river  and  to  leave  the  Potawatomies  to  wallow  in 
spiritual  darkness  a  little  longer. 

La  Salle,  who  had  been  ill  or  feigned  illness,  when 
the  Sulpitian  brothers  left  him,  continued  his  journey 
to  Onondaga,  New  York.,  and  finding  a  guide  there 
soon  after,  embarked  with  his  party  on  the  Allegany 
branch  of  the  Ohio,  which  river  he  descended  as  far 
as  the  falls  at  Louisville.  Here  his  men  deserted 
him  and  he  was  compelled  to  make  his  way  back 
to  Canada  all  by  himself.  A  biped  of  the  genus 
tramp  of  to-day  would  perhaps  not  consider  such 
a  march  a  very  great  undertaking,  but  as  may  be 
imagined,  it  was  a  very  different  thing  two  hun- 
dred years  ago,  when  there  were  no  roads  or  rail- 
way tracks  to  follow,  no  hen-roosts  to  visit,  no  farm- 


i6 


The  Ohio   Valley  In  Colonial  Days. 


\  I 

!   I 

i 

I  i 


er's  wife  to  frighten  into  the  dispensation  of  a  boun- 
tiful meal. 

We  derive  very  little  information  through  La 
Salle,  concerning  the  river  Ohio  or  the  country, 
through  which  he  travelled,  beyond  the  fact  that  he 
discovered  the  river  and  was  the  first  white  man  who 
undoubtedly  traversed  the  present  State  of  Ohio. 
(See  Appendix  A.)  Two  years  later,  in  1671,  Gen- 
era] Wood  of  Virginia  was  attacked  by  the  discover- 
ing fever.  Not  that  he  went  himself  and  like  La 
Salle  braved  the  terrors  of  an  unknown  wilderness  ; 
the  dignity  of  his  exalted  position  as  Major-General 
probably  forbade  that, —  but  he  sent  others  to  do  the 
discovering  for  him,  whose  journal  and  remarks  are 
given  in  the  Appendix  B.*  These  adventurers,  sent 
out  by  General  Wood,  did  not  reach  the  Ohio,  but 
came  to  several  of  its  tributaries  and  were  thus  the 
first  white  men  to  visit  Eastern  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee. 

*This  paper  and  the  one  in  App.  C,  are  in  the  Sparks  Collection  of  Har- 
vard College  Library;  copies  of  them  were  kindly  furnished  by  J.  Winsor, 
Esq. 


il 


CHAPTER   II. 


GEOGRAPHICAL    KNOWLEDGE. 

These  were  the  first  information  of  and  explora- 
tions into  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  Notwithstanding 
the  claim  made  by  Dr.  Mitchell  (see  Appendix  C*),  we 
must  apparently  concede  the  honor  of  first  discovery 
to  a  Frenchman,  although  Wytfliet's  map  of  "Florida 
et  Apalche,"f  shows  us  a  river  starting  under  40° 
North  Latitude  and  293°  East  Longitude,  which 
after  a  mainly  south-west  course,  empties  into  the 
Santo  Spirito  or  Mississippi,  under  35°  North  Lati- 
tude and  284°  East  Longitude,  with  two  branches, 
while  a  third  branch  goes  directly  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  This  nameless  river  receives  a  tributary 
from  the  south-east.  Is  the  main  stream  meant  for 
the  Ohio  and  the  tributary  for  the  Great  Kanawha  ? 
Then  we  must  ask,  whence  did  Wytfliet  derive  his 
information  ?     From  Biedmas'  account  ? 

Another  Frenchman,  Joliet,  is  the  first  to  give  us 
the  name  on  his  map  of  1673-4;  he  tells  us  that  the 
Ohio  was  then  called  Ouabouskigon,  whence  prob- 
ably is  derived  the  name  later  given  to  it,  of  Wabash. 

*  See  note  on  preceeding  page  concerning  Appendix  B. 
f  Acosta,  Cologne  Edition  of  1598. 

3 


i8 


The  Ohio   Valley 


On  his  larger  map  of  1674,  he  describes  the  river  as 
•*  la  route  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  pour  aller  dans  le 
Mexique"  (the  route  taken  by  Sieur  de  la  Salle  to 
go  to  Mexico),  without  giving  it  a  name.  A  map 
without  title  or  maker's  name,  number  three  in  Mr. 
Parkman's  collection  and  probably  belonging  to  the 
time,  when  little  was  as  yet  known  of  the  newly  dis- 
covered river  and  territory,  calls  it  "  la  Riviere  Ohio, 
ainsi  appellee  par  les  Iroquois  k  cause  de  sa  beaute, 
par  0(1  le  Sr.  de  la  Salle  est  descendu,"  but  places  it 
in  some  parts  almost  parallel  to  and  within  a  short 
distance  of  Lake  Erie. 

The  jealousy  with  which  the  various  discoverers 
and  their  friends  looked  upon  each  other,  is  well 
shown  by  a  map,  entitled  "Carte  de  la  nouvelle  de- 
couverte  que  les  Peres  Jesuites  ont  fait  en  I'annee 
1672,"  etc.,  which  shows  us  nearly  the  whole  course 
of  the  "  Mitchisipi,"  of  its  tributaries,  the  Illinois,  the 
Wisconsin  on  the  east  side  and  several  large  rivers 
on  the  west  side,  as  the  Missouri  and  the  Arkansas, 
but  not  the  faintest  indication  of  the  Ohio  river. 
The  next  cartographer,  p  obably  Franquelin,  in  his 
"  Carte  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale  et  partie  de  la 
Meridionale"  of  1682  restores  the  Ohio  to  its  place, 
but  again  too  near  Lake  Erie.  On  his  map  of  1684 
the  river  is  not  only  in  a  fairly  correct  place,  but  is 
also  given  various  tributaries  without  names.  Some 
of  these  he  had  learned  when  he  made  his  map  of 
1688,  for  by  that  he  tells  us  of  the  Ohio  or  Belle 
Riviere  and  calls  a  tributary  coming  from  the  east 


In  Colonial  Days. 


19 


the  Ohoio,  while  the  Riviere  Ouabache  has  for  its 
tributary  the  R.  Oiapigaming  (  ).  Father  Raffeix, 
S.  J.,  has  not  yet  learned  in  1688,  that  other  streams 
empty  into  the  Ohio,  but  he  gives  us  the  first  carto- 
graphical information  of  the  "  Petit  Sault,"  the 
rapids  near  Louisville,  Kentucky.  A  map  of  the 
same  year,  1688,  called  **  Partie  occidentale  du  Canada 
ou  de  la  Nouvelle  F" ranee ,  ou  sont  les  Nations  des 
Ilinois,  de  Tracy,  les  Iroquois,  etc.,  avec  la  Louisiane, 
nouvellement  decouverte  *  *  *  par  le  P.  Coro- 
nelli,  Cosmographe  de  la  Ser""^  Republic  de  Venise," 
has  the  Riviere  Ouabache  without  tributaries. 

Raudin,  Frontenac's  engineer,  again  ignores  the 
Ohio,  while  a  map  made  three  years  before  in  1685 
by  Minet,  **la  Carte  de  la  Louisiane"  has  the  river 
in  its  full  length,  though  without  most  of  its  tribu- 
taries and  calling  it  in  its  middle  course  Ouabache, 
which  name  is  changed  in  the  lower  to  "le  Chou- 
cagoua." 

The  Hennepin  map  of  1697  has  again  the  Ohio  or 
Ouye  without  tributaries,  running  almost  completely 
in  the  direction  of  its  degree  of  latitude  and  parallel 
to  and  between  two  ranges  of  mountains,  the  Mons 
Apalach  on  the  south  and  an  unnamed  range  on  the 
north. 

A  map  in  the  Parkman  collection,  without  date 
or  title,  of  which  we  find  a  sketch  in  Mr.  Winsor's 
Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  Vol.  IV, 
p.  206,  and  which  Mr.  Parkman  considers  the  work 
of  the  Jesuits  and  "  the  earliest  representation  of  the 


20 


The  Ohio   Valley 


upper  Mississippi,  based  perhaps  on  the  reports  of 
the  Indians"  shows  in  a  fairly  correct  location  for 
the  Ohio  river  a  stream,  called  Chaboussioua. 

Mr.  Bellin,  Ingenieurdu  Roi  et  de  la  Marine,  pub- 
lished, also  in  1755,  two  maps,  which  must  find  a 
place  here.  The  "  Carte  de  I'Amerique  Septentrio- 
nale  "  informs  us  of  the  location  of  Joncaire's  fort  a 
little  below  Venango,  near  the  mouth  of  French 
creek.  Another  French  post  is  on  the  Chiningu6 
R.  A  settlement,  called  "le  Baril"  is  mentioned  as 
at  the  mouth  of  White  Woman's  creek  and  La  Da- 
moiselle,  another  settlement  or  Indian  village,  is  on 
the  creek  of  that  name.  Ouitanon,  a  French  fort, 
is  on  the  Ouabache  or  S'  Jerome  about  midway  from 
its  mouth,  and  at  its  mouth  we  have  Fort  Anne  or  Fort 
Vincene.  The  embouchure  of  the  Cherakee  R.  is 
guarded  by  another  French  fort,  "  commence  depuis 
longtemps  "  and  at  its  head  we  find  Quanese,  an  Eng- 
lish post.  Walker's  settlement  at  the  head  of  the 
"  Old  Chaouanon "  is  marked  as  destroyed.  His 
other  map  of  the  same  year,  "  Partie  Occidentale  de 
la  Nouvelle  France"  is  here  mentioned  only  because 
according  to  it,  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie  "  is  al- 
most unknown." 

The  dedication  to  "  Monseigneur  le  Comte  d'Ar- 
genson.  Secretaire  pour  le  Departement  de  la  Guerre," 
which  position  he  filled  from  1743  to  1757,  gives  us 
an  approximate  date  of  a  map  by  Robert  de  Vau- 
gondy  fils,  Geographer  to  the  King  up  to  1 760,  en- 
titled **  Carte  des  Pays  connus  sous  le  nom  de  Canada 


In  Colonial  Days. 


21 


au  Nouvelle  France."     It  adds  nothing  that  we  do 
not  find  upon  other  PVench  maps. 

Two  other  maps  must  be  mentioned  on  behalf  of 
French  geographical  knowledge,  although  it  is  pos- 
sible that  English  maps  or  information,  derived  from 
English  sources,  guided  the  cartographer.  Both 
were  published  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland  without 
date. 

The  first  one  has  the  title  :  "  Carte  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  etc.,  etc.,  Amsterdam  chez  la  veuve  de  Jo. 
Van  Keulen  et  Fils."  The  river  Ouabache,  Orabac, 
*  autrement  nommee  Ohio  ou  belle  Riviere  (other- 
wise called  the  Ohio  or  Beautiful  river)  comes  from 
the  Onondaga  country.  It  has  an  affluent,  rising 
not  many  miles  south  of  its  own  source  and  running 
almost  parallel  to  it,  until  the  two  rivers  join,  which 
is  called  Riviere  d'Oubache  or  Akansea  Septentrio- 
nale.  This  is  stated  as  being  on  the  route  taken  by 
the  French,  when  they  go  to  Carolina.  On  the 
Coskinampo  branch  of  this  tributary  live  the  Chic- 
achas,  Taogarias,  Coskinampos  and  Chaouanons. 
The  upper  course  of  this  Akansea  is  called  Riviere 
d'Ohio  or  Acansea  Sipi.  Some  fifty  miles  from  its 
junction  with  the  Mississippi  we  find  the  legend  : 
Chaouanon  Mines  of  Iron  in  English  and  at  the 
mouth  of  a  tributary  coming  from  the  north,  the  R. 
Wabashe,  is  a  fort. 

The  second  of  these  undated  maps  is  the  "  Carte 
Nouvelle  de  I'Am^rique  Angloise  *  *  *  par  le 
Sieur  S.,  Amsterdam  chez  Pierre  Mortier.     Accord- 


I 


23 


The  Ohio  Valley 


ing  to  it  the  Ohio,  which  is  not  named,  rises  in  the 
longitude  of  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Michigan. 
A  tributary  coming  from  the  south-east  is  called 
Sabsquigs  and  it  mentions  the  mines  of  iron  of  the 
preceding  map.  Several  legends  show  the  English 
origin  in  their  Anglicized  French,  as  Perres  San- 
guines, Fort  des  mi  Amis. 

William  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  de- 
plores in  his  work  the  ignorance  of  his  countrymen, 
the  English,  in  regard  to  American  geography.  A 
recent  writer,  Charles  Dudley  Warner,  says  of  it  in 
a  happy,  terse  way :  "  Ignorance  of  America  is 
taught  in  English  schools." 

Apparently  the  earliest  English  map,  which  gives 
information  to  the  geographical  student  in  Great 
Britain,  of  Lake  Erie  is  "  A  New  Map  of  the  English 
Plantations  in  America,"  etc.,  by  Robert  Morden, 
London,  without  date.  The  same  Morden  pub- 
lished a  map  of  Carolina  in  1687  and  a  map,  which 
will  be  mentioned  hereafter,  with  Herman  Moll 
about  1 71 5.  This  gives  us  an  approximate  date  for 
his  above-named  production,  of  which  nothing  more 
need  be  said,  than  that  Felis  Lake  (Lake  Erie) 
would  be  divided  according  to  it  by  the  extension, 
due  west,  of  the  boundary  line  between  Maryland 
and  Virginia. 

The  same  geographer  published  a  "  Geography  of 
the  World."  The  copy  which  the  writer  of  this 
chapter  has  consulted,  is  without  title  page,  but  a 
passage  in  the  account  of  New  York,  reading  "  pre- 


In  Colonial  Days. 


n 


sented  by  the  late  King  to  the  present  King  James 
the  Second,"  tells  us,  that  the  book  in  question  must 
have  been  published  before  1689.  A  map  of  Florida 
shows  the  Ohio,  without  name,  and  the  Illinovik 
rivers  entering  the  Mississippi.  The  Ohio  rises  not 
far  from  the  head  of  a  river,  going  into  Lake  Michi- 
gan from  the  south-east.  In  the  account  accompany- 
ing this  map  nothing  is  said  about  the  rivers  empty- 
ing into  the  Mississippi,  which  is  called  the  Holy 
Ghost  river. 

Morden  and  Moll's  map  of  171 5  "The  Seat  of  War 
in  the  West  Indies,  etc.,  together  with  the  adjacent 
Dominions"  represents  only  the  lower  half  of  the 
"  Ochio  or  Belle  R.,  which  empties  into  the  Miss- 
issippi in  two  branches.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  north- 
ern branch  we  find  the  "  Port  des  Anguilles." 

Edward  Wells,  M.  A.  and  Student  at  Christ 
Church,  Oxford,  attempted  in  1701  to  enlighten  his 
countrymen  by  a  "  New  Set  of  Maps  *  *  *  ,"ore 
of  which  is  a  map  of  North  America.  The  Hotico 
river,  as  he  calls  the  Ohio,  runs  almost  parallel  to 
its  degree  of  latitude,  breaking  through  the  chain  of 
the  Apalachia  Mountains,  which  extend  from  the 
southwestern  end  of  Lake  Erie  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Illinois  river  and  thence  into  unknown  regions. 
"  A  New  Map  of  the  most  Considerable  Plantations 
of  the  English  in  America"  in  the  same  "Set 
of  Maps"  does  not  go  far  enough  west  to  give  the 
Ohio. 

Christophori  Cellarii,   Smalcaldensis,   Geographia 


24 


The  Ohio   Valley 


I  11 


Antiqua  is  the  work  of  a  German  scholar,  but  hav- 
ing been  published  at  London  in  1 731,  it  must  be 
classed  among  the  English  geographical  sources  of 
information.  A  map  in  it  of  the  whole  American 
Continent  has  the  course  of  the  Ohio  fairly  correct, 
without  giving  its  name. 

"A  New  Map  of  America  according  to  the  Best 
and  Latest  Observations"  by  Henry  Overton,  with- 
out date,  belongs  to  the  period,  when  the  English 
evidently  had  but  little  knowledge  of  this  Continent. 
It  is  dedicated  to  Queen  Caroline,  wife  of  George  I, 
who  died  in  1 738,  and  this  dedication  gives  us  a  clue 
to  the  time  of  its  production.  Lakes  Huron,  Ontarius 
and  Erius  are  placed  one  south  of  the  other,  the 
Ohio  is  not  known  and  the  Mississippi  empties  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  after  having  traversed  about  60 
miles. 

H.  O.  dedicates  his  "  New  and  Correct  Map  of  the 
Trading  Part  of  the  West  Indies,  including  the  Seat 
of  War  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  likewise 
the  British  Empire  in  America "  etc.  etc.  to  the 
Hon''^®  Edward  Vernon,  Vice  Admiral  of  the  Blue 
and  Commander  in  the  West  Indies,  which  post  the 
Admiral  held  in  1740.  An  advertisement  on  this 
map,  concerning  some  other  publications  by  H.  O., 
is  dated  March  25,  1741. 

The  Nation  of  Chat  lives  still  on  the  south  shore 
of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  Salt  river,  as  the  Ohio  is 
called,  rises  in  their  territory.  It  receives  the  Ou- 
bach  from  the  north-east  and  the  Hogohegee  with 


!■<■, 


In  Colonial  Days. 


25 


an  affluent,  called  the  Illinos  R.,  from  the  south- 
east. 

"  The  Modern  Gazetteer"  by  Mr.  Salmon,  London, 
1746,  says,  the  "  Hohio  is  a  river  in  North  America, 
which  rises  in  the  Apalachian  Mts.  near  the  confines 
of  Carolina  and  Virginia  and  running  south-west  falls 
into  the  Mississippi  and  is  by  some  reckoned  the 
principal  stream,  which  forms  the  Mississippi." 

When  we  consider  the  frequent  intercourse  be- 
tween the  two  capitals,  London  and  Paris,  which 
must  have  made  the  English  familiar  not  only  with 
French  fashions,  but  also  with  French  literary  and 
scientific  works,  we  cannot  help  wondering  at  the 
slowness,  with  which  the  English  grasped  French 
geographical  information.  They  waited  until  1752. 
In  the  said  year  appeared  "North  America,  per- 
formed under  the  patronage  of  Louis,  Duke  of 
Orleans,  first  Prince  of  the  Blood,  by  the  Sieur 
dAnville,*  greatly  improved  by  Mr.  Bolton."  We 
learn  from  it,  that  the  Oyo  or  Bell  or  Allegany 
river  has  as  tributaries  the  S*  Jerome  or  Ouabach, 
the  Old  Chaouanon,  the  Cherakee  and  several 
smaller  ones.  The  Monongahela  and  Great  Kan- 
awha are  unknown.  An  English  fort  is  located  on 
the  Cherakee,  where  the  Pelesipi  enters  from  the 
north-east,  an  "  ancient  fort "  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio. 

A  "Map  of  the  British  Empire  in  America"  by 
Henry  Popple,  1756.  demonstrates  a  most  lamenta- 

*Jean  B.  d'Anville  was  Royal  Geographer  of  France  in  1718;  he  died  1782. 


iijii:' 


i  Kill 


■  !'.   ' 


26 


T/ie  Ohio   Valley 


ble  confusion  in  British  geographical  knowledge  of 
America.  The  Cat  Nation,  destroyed  about  one 
hundred  years  before,  is  still  existing.  La  Riviere 
aux  Boeufs,  now  French  Creek,  enters  the  Ohio 
from  the  east-south-east  coming  out  of  a  name- 
less lake.  The  Monongahela  and  Kanawha  are  not 
known.  The  Cherakee  is  called,  as  on  an  English 
edition  of  d'Anville,  the  Hogohegee.  Near  the 
mouth  of  the  Pelesipi  we  read,  that  there  is  **  a  fit 
place  for  an  English  factory,"  and  we  find  again  the 
"  Old  Fort"  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio. 

Dr.  Edmund  Halley,  Professor  of  Astronomy  at 
Oxford,  published  a  new  edition  of  Popple's  map 
under  the  title  of  "  Nouvelle  Carte  Particuliere  de 
TAmerique  "  without  date.  His  "  improvements  "  on 
Popple  are,  that  he  shortens  the  Ohio,  which  rises  in 
the  present  State  of  that  name,  and  that  the  sources 
of  the  Hogohegee  are  "little  known." 

The  "  New  and  Accurate  Map  of  the  English  Em- 
pire in  North  America,"  by  a  Society  of  Anti-Galli- 
cans,  1755,  tells  us,  that  "  Walkers,  an  English  settle- 
ment "  had  existence  in  the  forks  at  the  head  of  the 
Cumberland  river  in  1750  and  that  the  mouths  of 
the  Ohio  and  of  the  Ouabache  were  guarded  by 
French  forts. 

The  French  and  Indian  war,  which  ended  the 
French  claims  to  the  Ohio  valley,  was  productive  of 
a  number  of  maps  on  both  sides,  of  which  only  a  few 
English  prints  will  be  mentioned  here. 

John  Huske's  "  New  and  Accurate  Map  of  North 


In  Colonial  Days. 


27 


America  (wherein  the  errors  of  all  preceding  British, 
French  and  Dutch  maps  respecting  the  rights  of 
Great  Britain  *  *  *  are  corrected),  London, 
1755,  gives  us  the  names  of  the  French  trading  posts 
and  stations. 

Of  "  A  Map  of  the  British  Colonies  in  North 
America,  with  the  roads  *  *  *"  by  Dr.  John 
Mitchell,  F.  R.  S.,  London,  1755,  the  New  York  his- 
torian. Smith,  says:  "  Dr.  Mitchell's  map  is  the  only 
authentic  one  extant.  None  of  the  rest  concerning 
America  have  passed  under  the  examination  or  re- 
ceived the  sanction  of  any  public  board  and  they 
generally  copy  the  French."  But  if,  with  our  present 
knowledge  of  geography,  we  look  upon  this  "  only  au- 
thentic "  map,  we  discover,  that  the  Ohio  rises  not  far 
south-west  from  Oswego.  It  gives  us,  however,  the 
location  of  English  settlements  and  posts  in  the 
Ohio  valley  and  must,  therefore,  be  considered  as  a 
valuable  source  of  information  by  the  historical  stu- 
dent. Thus  we  find  an  "English  Settlement"  on 
Shenango  or  Cheninque  creek,  another  at  Venango; 
Allegany  above  Fort  du  Cane  (Du  Quesne)  has  also 
an  English  settlement  in  the  Old  Shawnoe  Town. 
At  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto  or  Chianotho  is  an  Eng- 
lish factory.  The  falls  of  the  Ohio,  "  passable  up  or 
down  in  canoes,"  are  six  miles  long,  300  miles  from 
Shawnoe,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto,  and  the  same 
distance  by  water  from  the  Mississippi.  On  the 
Beaver  creek,  entering  the  Ohio  near  Logstown,  is 
Owendoes,  "the  first  settlement  on  the  Ohio,"  and 


w 


i'l' 


m\'. 


28 


T/ie  Ohio   Valley 


below  it,  Kuskuskies,  "the  Chief  Town  of  the  Six 
Nations  on  the  Ohio"  and  an  English  factory.  A 
similar  factory  is  established  on  the  Muskingum. 

The  Great  Miami  river  is  guarded,  150  miles 
from  its  mouth,  by  an  English  fort  "  established 
1748,  the  Extent  of  English  Settlements." 

The  country  on  the  Kanawha  near  the  Carolina 
boundary  is  "well  settled,"  and  near  the  head  of  this 
river  we  discover  a  settlement,  the  German  origin  of 
which  its  name  "  Freydeck  "  betrays. 

Walkers,  near  the  head  of  the  Cumberland,  is  the 
''Extent  of  English  Settlements  in  1750."  At  Tel- 
lico,  between  the  Tanassee  and  Euphasee  branches 
of  the  Hogohogee,  is  an  English  factory,  while  the 
country  along  the  Holston  branch  of  the  same  river 
is  "settled." 

A  "  Chart  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  with  the  British, 
French  and  Spanish  Settlements  in  North  America 
and  the  West  Indies"  by  T.  Jefferys,  is  given  in  two 
parts,  of  which  the  first  shows,  that  the  French 
claimed  all  the  territory  west  of  an  almost  straight 
line  from  Crown  Point  in  New  York  to  Pensacola 
bay  in  Florida,  while  Part  II  shows  the  propositions, 
made  in  1761  by  M.  de  Bussy,  in  regard  to  a  bound- 
ary line,  including  a  neutral  territory,  which  was  to 
divide  the  French  from  the  English  dominions. 
This  neutral  district  begins  at  the  head  of  the 
Ohio  and  includes  the  land  on  the  north  shore  of 
Lake  Erie  and  the  present  State  of  West  Virginia 
with  Eastern    Kentucky  and   Tennessee,  but  does 


ii,; : 
llllilll 


In  Colonial  Days.  20 

not  comprise  the   left  side   of   the   Ohio   in    these 
parts. 

Contemporaneous  English  knowledge  of  American 
geography  is  best  Illustrated  in  the  paper  from  the 
Sparks  Collection  in  Harvard  Library,  mentioned 
above,  in  Appendix  C. 


.  ■-■ 

P':     ^ 

H' 

i  i 

II! 


11 


1 


11 


I  ill, 


ill 


ill!" 


It' 


U  I 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Indians  of  the  Ohio  Valley. 

Gallatin  in  his  "Synopsis  of  Indian  Tribes"  dis- 
tributes the  Indians,  in  whom  we  are  interested  on 
this  occasion,  as  follows  in  the  year  i6oo : 

The  Wyandots  and  the  Neuter  Nation  live  be- 
tween the  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie  on  the  south  and 
Lake  Huron  with  the  Ottawa  river  on  the  north. 
On  the  southern  shore  of  Ontario  and  Erie  we  find 
the  Five  Nations,  west  of  them  along  the  Allegany 
river  the  Andastes,  and  close  upon  the  Lake  Erie 
the  Erigas.  These  Iroquois  tribes,  just  mentioned, 
appear  upon  Gallatin's  map  like  an  island  in  the  sur- 
rounding sea  of  Algonquin  tribes,  who  are  divided 
into  Miamis  on  the  east  side  of  the  Wabash  river, 
Piankishaws,*  south  of  them,  but  north  of  the 
Ohio ;  Shawanoes  along  and  east  of  the  Cumber- 
land but  south  of  the  Ohio,  the  Chicasaws  on  the 
lower  Tennessee,  the  Cherokees  on  the  upper  part  of 
the  river,  as  far  as  the  Carolinas,  form  the  southern 
contingent  of  the  aborigines  under  consideration. 

The  American  Antiquarian,  published  at  Cleve- 
land, the  old  Indian  Cayuhaga,  brings  in  its  num- 
ber  for  April,  1879,  an  article  by  Mr.  C.  C.  Bald- 

*  Piankashas,  Peanguichias,  Pianquichias. 


::!! 


Hi! 


The  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days. 


31 


win  on  "  Early  Indian  Migration  in  Ohio,"  with  a 
map,  giving  the  location  of  tribes  in  1600.  Accord- 
ing to  this  map  the  Andastes  are  on  the  Susque- 
hannah,  the  Eries  on  the  upper  Allegany,  Shawnoes 
on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  from  near  the  head  of 
Monongahela  to  the  little  Miami,  the  Cherokees  are 
relegated  to  the  mountains,  from  which  the  Great 
Kanawha  comes,  the  Illinois  take  the  place  of  the 
Miamis  and  Piankashaws  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Wabash,  extending  to  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio, 
the  Miamis  have  been  moved  to  the  Miami  river  of 
Lake  Erie  or  Maumee,  as  now  called,  and  the  Arkan- 
sas live  east  of  the  Mississippi,  along  the  Cumber- 
land and  Tennessee  rivers,  west  and  north-west  of 
the  Cherokees.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  prove  or  dis- 
prove the  correctness  of  either  Mr.  Gallatin  or  Mr. 
Baldwin,  but  the  following  pages  will  bring  the  his- 
tory of  the  Indians,  as  told  by  eye  witnesses  of  and 
actors  in  the  Colonial  drama.  The  localities  occu- 
pied by  Indian  tribes  before  they  came  into  contact 
with  Europeans  cannot  interest  us  so  very  much  at 
this  day,  and  I  will,  therefore,  take  the  reader  to  the 
first  graphic  record,  which  gives  us  any  knowledge 
of  some  of  them.  That  is  Champlain's  Map  of  1632, 
on  which  the  "  Hirocois"  are  placed  south  of  Lake 
Ontario,  on  the  head  water';  of  a  stream  running 
from  north  to  south  into  the  Riviere  des  Trettes,  to- 
day the  Hudson.  South-south-west  of  them  live  the 
Carantouanons  on  the  head  of  Susquehannah,  west- 
ward we  come  to  the  Antouoronons  at  the  head  of 


1% 


32 


T/ie  Ohio   Valley 


;i 


iiiiiii 


\     liiM:.,! 


Lake  Ontario.  On  the  south  side  of  the  unduly 
lengthened  Niagara  river  la  Nation  neutre  is  seated, 
and  adjoining  them  on  the  west  are  Les  gens  de  feu, 
Assistagueronons,  or  the  Cat  Nation.  In  the  center 
of  the  present  State  of  Ohio,  with  rivers  all  running 
northward,  lives  a  nameless  nation,  oil  il  y  a  quan- 
tite  de  beuffles  (where  plenty  of  buffaloes  are  found). 
So  far  extended  Champlain's  knowledge.  Creux- 
ius,  who  next,  in  1660,  attempted  to  enlighten  his 
countrymen  on  the  geography  of  the  New  World 
by  a  map,  accompanying  his  Historia  Canadensis, 
gives  apparently  correct  locations  to  Five  Nations  of 
New  York  from  the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Erie  to 
the  Mohawk  and  Delaware  rivers,  both  issuing  from 
a  small  lake.  At  the  west  end  he  places  the 
Natio  Felium,  the  Cat  Nation,  while  gens  neutra, 
has  emigrated  to  the  north-west  of  Lake  Ontario. 
According  to  No.  3  of  the  Parkman  Collection  of 
Maps,  mentioned  before,  the  Antouaronons,  nation 
detruite,  sat  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie  ;  the 
Pouteatamis  (Poutowatomies)  occupy  the  north-west 
corner  of  it  and  the  country  along  Niagara  river 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Gantastogeronons,  "ce  qui  en 
eloigne  les  Iroquois"  (which  keeps  away  the  Iro- 
quois). South  of  the  Ohio  and  within  a  short  dis- 
tance of  it  is  the  lake  Onia-sont,  around  which  the 
Oniasont-Keronons  live.- 

To  begin  the  detailed  survey  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Ohio  Valley  with  the  Five  Nations,  who  played  such 
an  important  part  in  the  Colonial  history  of  New 


In  Colonial  Days, 


Z'S 


York,  may  appear  to  many  a  reader  an  unwarranted 
diversion.  But  if  the  same  reader  remembers,  that 
the  war-cry  of  the  Mohawks  and  their  fellow  clans 
struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  Hurons  in  Can- 
ada, of  the  Miamis  of  Ohio  and  Illinois,  of  the  Cha- 
ouanons  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  and  of  the 
Cherokees  and  Chicasaws  of  Carolina,  not  to  speak 
of  the  eastern  tribes,  this  diversion  will  be  found 
excusable. 

When  this  powerful  nation  first  came  in  contact 
with  European  settlers,  they  occupied  the  territory 
from  Lake  Champlain  in  the  east  to  and  along 
part  of  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie  on  the 
west.  John  Smith  of  Virginia  knew  them  as  the 
Massawomecks  in  1608,  and  we  are  told  by  Father 
Ragueneau  in  his  Relations  of  161 8,  that  when  the 
Hurons  sent  agents  to  ask  the  Andastes  in  Pennsyl- 
vania for  help  against  the  Five  Nations,  these  mes- 
sengers had  to  make  a  detour  through  Western 
Ohio,  in  order  to  escape  falling  into  the  clutches  of 
their  enemies.  Next  to  them  on  the  west  livefl  the 
Fries  and  Neutrals,  who  were  completely  extin- 
guished by  the  Five  Nations,  although  they  belonged 
apparently  to  the  same  distinctive  branch  of  Indian 
nationality,  to  the  Iroquois.  After  having  thoroughly 
decimated  the  fur-bearing  animals  in  their  own  coun- 
try and  in  the  territory  of  their  immediate  western 
neighbors  and  kinsmen,  the  Five  Nations  extended 
their  hunting  expeditions  still  further  west  and 
reached  thus  the  Mississippi  in  a  manner,  which  Mr. 
S  .  ..  .     .    ..    . 


\\ 


Illlll 


ll 


lilS: 


34 


T/te  Ohio   Valley 


Parkman,  in  his  "  Discovery  of  the  Great  West,"  has 
so  graphically  described.  In  their  warfare  against 
the  Illinois  tribes,  they  knew  how  to  make  allies  of 
the  Miamis,  sitting  between  the  Illinois  and  the 
Eries.  The  Jesuit  Relations  of  1654  inform  us 
that  in  May  of  that  year  some  Onnontaehronons 
(Onondagas)  came  to  Montreal  to  return  some 
French  prisoners  in  their  hands.  With  their  sixteenth 
string  of  wampum  they  told  Onontio :  **  Our  young 
men  will  no  longer  fight  against  the  French  ;  but  as 
they  are  too  great  warriors  to  do  any  thing  else,  we 
let  you  know  that  we  shall  carry  our  arms  against 
the  Eriehronons  (Cat  Nation)  ;  this  summer  we'll 
lead  an  army  against  them.  The  earth  shall  tremble 
on  that  side,  while  every  thing  is  quiet  here."  This 
war,  thus  announced,  settled  the  fate  of  the  Eries,  as 
an  independent  tribe,  and  another  war,  begun  two 
years  later,  in  1656,  but  lasting  sixteen  years,  until 
1672,  nearly  wiped  out  another  tribe  of  the  Ohio 
Valley.  A  treaty  between  the  Five  Nations  and  the 
French,  ratified  by  the  Senecas  in  May,  1666,  men- 
tioned this  tribe,  the  Andastes,  Andastaeronons  or 
Guyandots  as  seated  on  the  Alleghany  and  Ohio. 
Their  chief  town  is  supposed  to  have  been  near 
Pittsburgh.* 

In  the  same  year,  1672,  the  Five  Nations  subdued 
and  incorporated  the  Chaouanons,  or  Shawanoes, 
who,  according  to  Mitchell,  were  the  original  propri- 
etors of  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghanies. 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Docts.,  Ill,  125. 


I 


!  ii.i 


In  Colonial  Days. 


35 


The  efforts,  successfully  made  by  the  Five  Nations 
to  push  westward,  did  not  please  the  F'rench,  for 
these  Indians,  still  faithful  to  Corlear  and  Quidor,* 
brought  the  English  to  the  western  lakes,  and  after 
extinguishing  the  Cat  Nations,  made  war  upon  the 
Chichtaghicks  (Twightwees)  and  other  nations,  who 
yielded  the  most  profitable  trade  to  the  French. 

In  consequence  of  all  these  wars  upon  their  own 
race  the  Five  Nations  claimed,  in  1701,  possession 
by  inheritance  from  their  ancestors,  who  held  by 
right  of  conquest  from  the  Aragaritkas  (Hurons), 
the  land  west  and  north-west  from  Albany,  begin- 
ning on  the  north-west  side  of  Cadaraqui  (Ontario) 
lake  and  including  all  the  waste  land  between  Otta- 
wawa  lake  (Lake  Huron)  and  Sahsquage  (Swege, 
Erie)  lake,  and  "  runs  until  it  butts  upon  the  Twitch- 
wichs  (Miamis),  and  is  bounded  on  the  right  hand 
(west)  by  a  place  called  Quadoge,f  containing  in 
length  about  800  miles  and  in  breadth  400  miles,  in- 
cluding the  country  where  the  beavers,  the  deers, 
elks  and  such  beasts  keep,  and  the  place  called  Ti- 
engsachrondio,  alias  Fort  de  Tret  (Detroit),  or 
Wawyachtenoch,  and  so  runs  round  the  lake  of 
Swege  till  you  come  to  a  place  called  Oniadaronda- 
quat  (Irondequoit),  which  is  about  twenty  miles  from 
the  Sinnekes  castle  "  .  .  .  J 

*  Names  given  to  the  Governor  of  New  York:  Corlear,  after  Arent  van 
Corlear,  and  Quidor,  after  Peter  Schuyler,  both  highly  esteemed  by  the 
Five  Nations. 

f  Chicago,  see  Mitchell's  Map  of  North  America,  1755,  and  Map  in 
Charlevoix. 

X  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IV,  108. 


\ 


36 


The  Ohio   Valley 


0 


IIHll!  '' 


m 


Iillii' 


ii 


!!^i| 


This  quit-claim  of  1701  was  not  considered  quite 
sufficient  authority  by  the  Government  of  New  York 
to  prevent  the  French  from  getting  a  foothold  in  the 
territory  of  the  Five  Nations  and  from  building  a 
fort  at  Niagara.  Governor  Burnet,  therefore,  urged 
them  at  a  conference,  held  at  Albany,  September  14, 
1726,  to  fulfill  their  promise  of  1701,  which  was  to 
submit  and  give  up  all  their  hunting  country  to  the 
King  of  England  and  to  sign  a  deed  for  it.  Then, 
the  Governor  told  them,  England  could  defend  them 
against  the  French  and  secure  to  them  a  quiet  enjoy- 
ment of  their  own  lands.  The  sachems  of  the  Sen- 
ecas,  Cayugas  and  Onondagas  signed  then  for 
themselves  a  deed  of  trust  to  King  George  for  the 
country  from  Salmon  river,  in  Oswego  county,  N. 
Y.,  west  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  sixty  miles  to  the 
south  of  this  east  and  west  line.* 

Neither  the  treaty  of  1701  was  called  a  deed  of 
sale,  a  conveyance,  or  whatever  legal  term  may  be 
applied  to  ceding  the  rights  of  property  in  land,  nor 
the  deed  of  trust  made  in  1 726.  Apparently  neither 
the  Five  Nations  nor  the  Colonial  authorities  con- 
sidered it  so,  for  in  November,  1763,  Sir  William 
Johnson,  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  the 
Northern  Department,  writes  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 
and  Plantations  :t  "They  (the  Five  Nations)  claim 
by  right  of  conquest  all  the  country,  including  the 
Ohio,  along  the  great  ridge  of  Blue  mountains  at  the 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  V,  800,  and  MSS.  Parchment,  State  Library,  Albany. 

t  lb.  VII,  573. 


iii 


In  Colonial  Days, 


37 


back  of  V^irginia;  thence  to  the  head  of  Kentucky 
river  and  down  the  same  to  the  Ohio  above  the  rifts; 
thence  northerly  to  the  south  end  of  Lake  Michigan; 
then  along  the  east  shore  to  Missillimackinack ; 
thence  easterly  across  the  north  end  of  Lake  Huron 
to  Ottawa  river  and  Island  of  Montreal  .  .  .  Their 
claim  to  the  Ohio  and  thence  to  the  lakes  is  not  in 
the  least  disputed  by  the  Shawanese,  Delawares  and 
others,  who  never  transacted  any  sales  of  land  or 
other  matters  without  their  consent." 

In  their  intercourse  with  the  French  these  same 
Indians,  either  as  separate  tribes  or  as  a  confedera- 
tion, asserted  their  claim  to  the  Ohio  lands,*  and  in 
1 78 1,  Croghan,  for  many  years  Indian  agent  under 
Sir  William  Johnson,  confirmed  this  claim  of  the 
Five  Nations  to  the  Ohio  territory  on  the  south  side 
as  far  as  the  Cherokee  river  and  on  the  north-west 
side  as  far  as  the  Big  Miami.  We  must,  therefore, 
admit  the  Five  Nations  of  New  York  Indians  as  an 
important  factor  in  the  Indian  history  of  the  Ohio 
Valley. 

Almost  equally  important  or  at  least  as  frequently 
mentioned  in  official  reports  of  the  period  is  the  tribe 
of  the  Shawanese  (Chaouanons  of  the  French). 

Readers,  who  have  made  a  study  of  Indian  lan- 
guages, may  be  able  to  tell,  whether  the  name  of  the 
Shawangunk  or  Showangunk  mountains  in  Ulster 
county.  New  York,  has  been  derived  from  this  tribe, 
which  was  first  brought  to  notice  by  de  Laet,  the 

*  See  Instructions  to  Du  Quesne,  N.  Y.  Col.,  Hist.,  X,  244. 


'";:!  i 


BMil  'I 


i 


i^^ 


i!li 


i^ 


i 


liil 


I  i  I  i  i 


38 


The  Ohio   Valley 


■I'll 'I 


historian  of  New  Netherland,  in  1632,  who  following 
some  reports  places  them  on  both  sides  of  the  Dela- 
ware river  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Capitanasses 
tribe,  mentioned  on  the  Carte  Figurative  of  1616. 
Next  we  read  the  name  in  the  account  of  Lederer's 
travels  from  Virginia  to  the  west  of  Carolina  in  1669 
and  1670.  He  calls  a  river  coming  from  near  Lake 
Ashley  the  Rorenock  or  Shawan.*  A  few  years 
later  Joliet  published  his  map  of  1673-4,  showing 
his  discoveries  on  the  Mississippi  and  we  find  the 
Chaouanons  south  of  the  Ohio  along  the  greater 
river  as  far  south  as  the  mouth  of  the  Basire  or 
Arkansas  river.  The  investigator  of  Shawanese  mi- 
grations cannot  fail  to  be  puzzled  by  Joliet,  for  on 
his  *' Carte  Generale"  we  see  the  Chaouanons  with 
fifteen  villages  placed  into  the  Ohio  valley,  but  as 
the  river  is  not  carried  as  far  east,  as  where  the  name 
of  this  tribe  occurs,  it  is  impossible  to  tell  on  which 
side  of  the  river  the  villages  were  situated.  The 
above-mentioned  map.  No.  3  of  the  Parkman  collec- 
tion, places  them  north  of  the  Ohio  and  the  tribe  of 
the  Illinois  south  of  it,  while  Joliet's  ma^>  gives  to 
the  latter  what  we  must  consider  their  true  location 
west  of  and  near  to  Lake  Michigan  and  north  of  the 
river  named  after  them. 

A  map  of  Delislef  (170")  calls  a  tributary  of  the 
Wabash  "  Riviere  des  Indiens,  par  ce  que  les  Chaou- 

•  Sketch  of  his  map  in  Hawk's  North  Carolina,  II,  52. 

f  In  the  Amsterdam  (1707)  edition  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vegas  Histoire  des 
Incas  et  de  la  conquSte  de  la  Floride,  vol.  II;  reproduced  in  French's  His- 
torical Collections  of  Louisiana. 


s      i 


III'" 


1  ;;i: 


In  Colonial  Days. 


39 


anons  y  habitent "  (because  the  Ch.  live  here),  while 
the  present  Pedee  (?)  is  called  R.  des  Chaouanons 
and  a  village  of  this  tribe  is  marked,  as  lying  on 
both  sides  of  it.  Another  settlement  of  the  same 
tribe  is  to  be  found  on  the  Alabama  river. 

According  to  a  map,  mentioned  in  a  previous 
chapter,*  they  lived  on  a  tributary  of  the  Akansea 
Septentrionale,  which  is  really  the  Ohio,  while  the 
country  at  the  heads  of  the  Alabama  and  Apalach- 
icola  rivers  is  called  "Pays  des  Chaouanons."  The 
map  of  1740-41,  dedicated  to  Admiral  Edward  Ver- 
non, places  this  tribe  on  the  south  side  of  the  Hogo- 
hegee,  while  d'Anville's  map,  improved  by  Mr. 
Bolton,  locates  them  in  1752  above  Fort  DuQuesne, 
and  a  German  edition  of  the  same  map  by  d'Anville, 
published  in  1756,  has  moved  them  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Scioto  or  Sikoder.  In  the  "  Conspiracy  of  Pon- 
tiac,"f  Mr.  Parkman  says  of  the  Shawnees  :  "  Their 
eccentric  wanderings,  their  sudden  appearances  and 
disappearances,  perplex  the  antiquary  and  defy  re- 
search." According  to  Joliet,  they  were  on  the  Ohio 
in  1673.  Ten  years  later,  1683,  La  Salle,  the  discov- 
erer, writes, J  that  the  Cha6anons,  Chaskpes  and 
Ouabans,  have  at  his  solicitations  abandoned  the 
Spanish  trade  and  eight  or  nine  villages,  occupied 
by  them,  for  the  purpose  of  joining  the  French  inter- 
est and    settling  near  Fort  S*  Louis   on  the  upper 

*  Carte  de  la  Nouv.  France,  widow  Jo.  van  Keulen. 

fl.  32. 

tN.  Y.   Col.  Hist.,   IX,  799. 


ff 


40 


The  Ohio   Valley 


■!;i 


M: 


11  !;1 


li 


I  ! 


\  ill 


Illinois  river.  Franquelin's  map  of  1688,  mentions 
in  that  vicinity  the  Ouabans  and  Chaskpes,  but  no 
Chaouanons. 

At  a  conference,  held  by  the  French  with  the  Five 
Nations  at  Kayahoge,  now  called  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
in  1684,  the  Indians  gave  as  one  reason  for  their  war 
against  the  Twightwees  or  Chictaghicks,  that  these 
latter  had  brought  the  Satanas  (Sawanons,  Chaou- 
anons of  the  French,  Shawanoes,  Shawnees  of  the 
English)  into  their  country  to  assist  them  in  their 
struggle  and  armed  them.  The  war  was  disastrous 
to  the  western  nations  and  others  in  the  interest  of 
the  French,  for  the  Five  Nations  added  to  the  popu- 
lation of  their  castles  a  large  number  of  prisoners, 
taken  from  the  Shawanoes.* 

In  August,  1692,  the  then  Commander-in-Chief  of 
New  York,  Major  Ingoldsby,  was  informed  that  Sat- 
taras  Indians,  late  in  war  with  the  Five  Nations,  had 
come,  numbering  100  warriors,  as  far  as  the  Dela- 
ware river,  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the  New  York 
Indians.  It  was  considered  that  such  a  peace  would 
vastly  contribute  to  their  Majesties'  interest,  as  then 
the  Five  Nations  could  more  forcibly  wage  war  on 
the  French,  while  a  war  with  the  more  distant  Sha- 
wanoes "  much  diverted  and  hindered  them  in  their 
efforts  against  Canada. "f 

The  Council  of  New  York  ordered,  that  Capt. 
Arent   Schuyler  should  forthwith  be  dispatched  to 

*  Golden,  Five  Nations. 

t  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSS.,  VI,  115. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


41 


these  Indians  with  two  belts  of  wampum  in  order  to 
conduct  them  safely  to  the  city  of  New  York,  and 
seven  days  later  Capt.  Schuyler  had  so  far  accom- 
plished his  task,  that  he  could  present  himself  be- 
fore Governor  and  Council  with  the  Far  Indians, 
called  the  Showannes,  and  some  Senecas,  who  had 
traveled  amongst  them  for  nine  years.  The  chief  of 
these  Senecas,  Malisit,  reported  that  on  his  way 
toward  his  former  home  on  Lake  Ontario,  he  had 
met  Monsieur  Tonty,  captain  of  a  French  castle  at 
the  head  of  the  lakes  ;  that  Tonty  had  asked  whither 
he  was  going,  and  upon  Malisit's  reply  "  Home,"  had 
said,  "  What  need  you  return  there,  I  have  killed 
your  father,  the  Corlear,  your  brethren  and  relations, 
and  burnt  all  the  country?  Tarry  with  me  and  I'll 
give  you  my  laced  coat."  The  Seneca  may  have 
known  by  experience,  how  much  reliance  he  could 
place  on  a  Frenchman's  report  and  promise  and  con- 
tinued on  his  way  with  his  Shawanoe  companions, 
who  wanted  first  to  see  the  country,  new  to  them, 
and  open  the  path,  promising  to  come  the  next  year 
in  greater  numbers  and  with  more  of  the  rich  pro. 
ducts  of  their  country. 

Malisit  confirmed  these  promises  with  a  beaver 
coat,  but  he  had  not  considered,  what  his  tribal 
brothers  would  say  to  this  plan  of  opening  a  direct 
intercourse  between  their  enemies,  the  Shawnees, 
and  their  friends,  the  English.  As  soon  as  the  news 
of  these  intentions  reached  the  villages  of  the  Five 
Nations,  they  informed  Governor  Fletcher  through 


n\ 


42 


The  Ohio   Valley 


liH  I 


!  i'' 


nil 


,|!r' 


pi!!! 


liii 


the  Mayor  of  Albany,  that  a  treaty,  as  proposed, 
could  not  be  made  without  their  consent  and  only  in 
their  presence.  Their  jealousy  was  cleverly  appeased 
by  a  message  from  Fletcher,*  and  in  a  conference 
held  with  them  in  July,  1693,  they  said:  "We  are 
glad  that  the  Shawanoes,  who  were  our  enemies, 
have  made  their  application  to  you  last  fall  for  pro- 
tection, and  that  you  sent  them  hither  (to  Albany) 
to  make  peace  with  us."t  , 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  first  contact,  which 
the  English  colonists  had  with  the  distant  tribe  from 
the  south-western  corner  of  the  Ohio  valley,  although 
we  must  consider  as  simultaneous  an  application  made 
to  Governor  Fletcher  in  September,  1692,  by  some 
Hudson  River  Indians,  who  had  long  been  absent 
from  their  native  haunts,  and  lived  among  the  Show- 
aneos.  In  an  audience  with  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  New  York,  they  set  forth  "  that  they  had 
long  been  absent  from  their  native  country,  and  did 
desire  to  be  kindly  received,  as  they  in  former  days 
received  the  Christians,  when  they  first  came  to 
America, —  they  pray  the  same  likewise  in  behalf  of 
the  strange  Indians  they  have  brought  along  with 
them.  They  add,  moreover,  that  they  are  now 
come  to  their  own  river  and  those  Far  Indians  have 
accompanied  them  by  the  Great  God's  protection  ; 
they  are  poor,  but  come  to  renew  the  covenant-chain 
with  Corlear,  the   Mohawks  and  Five   Nations,  and 

*N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSS.,  VI,  126. 
fN.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IV,  43. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


43 


confirm  it  with  the  fruits  of  their  far  country, 
whither  they  intend  to  depart  in  twenty  days."  A 
Minissink  Indian,  present  at  this  interview,  declared 
that  they  had  accepted  the  Far  Indians  "  as  their  ♦ 
friends  and  relations,"  and  that  his  tribe,  being  very 
poor,  intended  to  go  with  the  Showanees  and  hunt 
in  their  country. 

Governor  Fletcher  told  the  Showanees  delega- 
tion that  they  first  must  make  peace  with  the  Five 
Nations,  and  this  done,  he  would  extend  to  them  the 
same  protection  as  to  the  rest  of  the  Indians.*  The 
result  of  these  interviews,  in  August  and  September, 
1692,  were  the  before-mentioned  message,  sent  by 
the  Five  Nations  in  July  of  the  following  year,  and 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  between  the  two  most  im- 
portant tribes  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio. 

The  various  cessions  of  territory,  made  by  the 
Five  Nations,  and  other  sources  enable  us  to  locate 
these  tribes  almost  definitely,  but  it  is  difficult  to  say, 
where  the  Shawanese  came  from,  when  they  first 
appeared  upon  the  stage  of  Colonial  Indian  politics. 

In  1692  some  of  them  appeared  nearly  one  thou- 
sand miles  east  of  the  location,  given  by  Joliet,  as 
stated  before.  From  this  time  we  must  assume,  that 
they  became  important  factors  in  Indian  politics,  for 
in  August,  1694,  they  have  again,  in  company  of 
Mohicans,  an  interview  with  Governor  Fletcher  at 
Kingston,t  in  which  the  River  Indians  say,  that  they 

*N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSB.,  VI,  126. 
fN.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  XXXIX,  i88. 


^ 


HI 


44 


The  Ohio   Valley 


m 


Miii! 


i'!':l^! 


!•'  I 


!i; 


'I';' 


1 


I  ! 


in 

I! 


have  had  great  difficulties  in  bringing  the  Shawanees 
and  Far  Indians  to  see  Corlear.  The  Showanees 
and  the  Far  Indians  are  here  named  as  two  distinct 
tribes,  but  as  the  name  of  "  Far  Indians"  is  arbi- 
trarily applied  in  Colonial  days  to  all  tribes  west  of 
the  Five  Nations,  it  is  very  likely  that  a  subdivision 
or  a  tribe  in  close  alliance  with  the  Shawnees  is 
meant.  They  were  now  admitted  to  the  covenant 
chain,  and  reported  that  three  hundred  of  their  tribe 
were  to  follow  them  east  in  a  short  time.  Their  ad- 
herence to  the  English  interest  lasted  for  some  time, 
for  during  Queen  Anne's  war,  they  sent  war  parties 
to  assist  the  Senecas  of  New  York  against  the 
French.*  But  twenty  years  later,  in  1732,  we  read 
in  a  letter  from  King  Louis  XIV  to  his  Governor  of 
Canada,  Beauharnois,f  that  the  Chaouanons  have 
come  down  to  Montreal  during  the  preceding  sum- 
mer, to  demand  of  Onontio  %  the  place,  where  he 
wished  to  locate  them.  In  the  same  year,  Joncaire, 
the  French  agent  on  the  Ohio,  reported  that  the 
Shawnees  were  settled  in  villages  on  the  other  side 
of  "Oyo,"  six  leagues  below  the  river  Atigue.§ 
Negligence  on  the  part  of  the  English  authorities 
and  skillful  management  by  the  French  changed  the 
feeling  among  the  Chaouanons  so  much,  that  in 
1736,  the  same  Joncaire  could  write  to  the  Governor 
of  Canada,  the  tribe  had  rejected  the  evil  advices, 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  V,  270. 

fib.,  IX,  1033.  r 

:j:  Indian  name  for  the  Governor  of  Canada. 

^  R.  au  Boeuf,  now  French  Crcck,  Bellins  Carte  de  la  Louisiane. 


ijiil 


'  -r : 


In  Colonial  Days. 


45 


given  by  their  old  allies,  the  Iroquois,  and  would  not 
take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  French.  They  said, 
a?  Onontio  had  located  them  on  the  Ohio,  they 
would  not  leave  there  without  his  orders.*  In  the 
following  year  they  were  again  expected  at  Montreal 
and  Governor  Beauharnois  was  directed,  not  to  neg- 
lect any  thing,  to  make  them  settle  near  Detroit, 
especially  as  Cherokees  and  Chickasaws  had  made 
settlements  on  the  Ohio.+  In  the  course  of  time 
the  Shawnees  became  a  fixture  on  Ohio  territory. 
According  to  an  official  report  of  the  "  Occurrences 
in  Canada  during  1747  and  1748  "J  they  refused  to 
leave  their  village  of  Sonioto,§  where  they  formed 
a  league  to  destroy  the  upper  country  posts,  in  which 
league  Senecas  and  Mohegans,  with  whom  the  Shaw- 
nees seem  to  have  entertained  special  friendly  rela- 
tions, participated.  These  eastern  Indians  living 
then  on  the  Ohio,  were  very  m.ich  incensed  by  the 
news  that  four  of  their  people  had  been  killed  by 
French  from  Detroit,  and  two  war  parties  set  out 
with  the  avowed  intention  to  make  war  against  the 
French  at  the  Miamis**  and  at  Detroit.  At  the  same 
time  news  from  Ostandausket  (Sandusky)  reached 
Montreal,  that  the  Chaouanons  of  Chartier's  tribe,f f 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  1050. 
fib.,  p.  1059. 
tIb.,X.  138. 
§  Now  Scioto. 
**  Fort  S'  Joseph. 

ffA  map  of   Pennsylvania,  by  T.  Kltchin,  1756,  locates   Chartier's  Old 
Town  about  thirty  miles  above  Pittsburgh. 


hi:,:  1 


46 


The  Ohio   Valley 


ili 


Ill  il! 

ill 


I 


I 


i 

111':; 


ill 


i''!!| 


lilillii 


had  not  come  to  Detroit  on  an  invitation,  extended 
to  them,  but  had  surprised  some  forts  on  Cherokee 
(Tennessee)  river ;  they  were  reported  to  be  in  a 
fort  with  the  Cherokees  and  Alibanons,  though 
Chartier,  who  seems  to  have  had  much  influence 
over  his  tribe,  excused  that  evasion  and  gave  assur- 
ances that  he  and  his  people  would  remain  friends 
of  the  French.  It  is  evident  that  the  Shawnees 
were  vacillating ;  they  had  probably  seen  and  learned 
that,  although  the  French  descended  to  their  level  of 
savage  and  uncivilized  life  with  more  readiness  than 
the  English,  commercial  benefits  were  easier  ob- 
tained from  the  latter  than  from  the  former.  All 
their  actions  at  this  time  point  to  a  desire  of  sever- 
ing the  alliance  with  Canada.  The  Miamis,  a  tribe 
allied  with  the  Shawnees,  but  unfriendly  to  the 
French,  had  resolved  to  send  a  deputation  under 
their  chief,  La  Demoiselle,  to  Detroit  and  to  return 
to  their  duty  in  the  French  interest,  but  messengers 
from  the  Chaouanons  dissuaded  them.  In  1750, 
when  according  to  some  authority  this  tribe  first  ap- 
peared in  Ohio,  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  then 
settled  on  the  Ohio,  the  Shawnees  and  the  Dela- 
wares  with  their  new  allies,  the  Owendaets  and 
Twightwees,  formed  a  body  of  1500  to  2000  men,*  a 
factor  in  English-French  politics  important  enough 
to  cause  both  sides  to  make  all  endeavors  for  secur- 
ing their  alliance.  Joncaire,  well  versed  in  Indian 
affairs,  and  a  companion  were  sent  from  Canada,  to 

*N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSB.,  XXI,  397. 


I  !  ! 


In  Colonial  Days, 


47 


bring  the  Ohio  Indians  firmly  back  into  the  French 
interest,  while  goods  were  expected  from  London  for 
the  same  purpose  and  to  pay  for  lands  bought  from 
them  by  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster.  The  French  were 
apparently  successful,  for  in  1756,  Governor  Hardy 
of  New  York  has  to  confess  in  a  letter  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade  and  Plantations,  that  there  was  little  hope 
for  inducing  the  Shawnees  and  Delawares,  settled  on 
the  Ohio,  to  leave  the  French  and  come  over  into  the 
English  interest,  although  Sir  William  Johnson,  the 
Indian  Commissioner,  thinks  that  their  defection  is 
not  general.  But  at  the  end  of  the  year  Edmund 
Atkins,  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  for  the 
Southern  Department,  writes,  "  that  Sir  William  had 
told  him,  the  Six  Nations  were  weakened  and  dis- 
tressed, some  of  the  western  Nations  having  fallen  off 
from  their  alliance  and  the  Shawanese  and  such  of  the 
Delawares  living  on  the  Ohio,  who  had  been  subject 
to  them,  having  been  set  up  and  supported  in  an  inde- 
pendency by  the  French,  still  continuing  hostilities." 
At  the  close  of  the  French  war,  which  necessarily  set- 
tled the  difficulty,  the  Shawnees  had  moved  back  from 
the  Ohio  and  established  a  village  about  ninety  miles 
up  the  Scioto,  where  numbers  of  the  Delawares  and 
others  joined  them.  The  defeat  of  their  French  friends 
had  not  made  the  Shawnees  very  friendly  to  the  Eng- 
lish victors.  They  continued  to  harass  the  frontiers 
and  caused  considerable  anxiety  to  the  ofificers  of  the 
Indian    Department.*     The   Indian  outbreak  under 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  603. 


'vr 


I'l: 


! 


I 


II':'! 


!iil 

:l!;;| 


48 


77/6'  O/ii'o   Valley 


Pontiac  found  the  Shawnees  willing  to  follow  this 
great  leader  against  the  English,  and  after  the  cessa- 
tion of  hostilities,  they  were  employed,  through  Pon- 
tiac's  agency,  by  a  nation  beyond  the  Chickasaws,  as 
peace  negotiators  among  all  other  tribes,  because 
they  spoke  all  languages.  In  the  decade  preceding 
the  War  of  Independence,  they  moved  further  down 
the  Ohio  and  were  severely  taken  to  task  for  this 
withdrawal  by  Thomas  King,  a  chief  of  one  of  the 
Six  Nations,  who,  while  on  his  way  to  a  great  Indian 
Congress  on  the  Scioto,  harangued  them  at  Fort 
Pitt  and  arrived  at  Scioto,  addressed  himself  to  all 
nations  present,  upbraiding  the  Shawnees  again  for  the 
same  reason.  The  Shawnees  answered,  that  they 
had  moved  down  the  Ohio,  because  they  felt  neg- 
lected by  the  Six  Nations,  who  disregarded  the 
promises  to  give  them  the  lands  between  the  Ohio 
and  the  lakes,  therefore  they  had  taken  their  canoes 
and  went  down  the  river.  But  the  Six  Nations  had 
stopped  them  at  Scioto,  fixed  them  there  and 
charged  them  to  live  in  peace  with  the  English. 
They  were  astonished  afterward  to  see  the  same  Six 
Nations  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English  on 
the  lakes.  Then  the  Iroquois  again  ill-treated  them 
and  they  became  allies  of  the  Illinois  and  the  Ten 
Confederate  Nations.*  Sir  William  Johnson,  who 
reports  the  above  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Hillsborough  in 
1772,  gives,  to  a  certain  extent,  an  explanation  for 
the  dissatisfaction  and  hostile  feeling  of  the  Shawnees 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  864. 


i!l 


/;/  Colonial  Days. 


49 


in  his  allusion  to  land  transactions.  He  says  :  "  It 
appears  to  me,  the  Shawanese  who,  to  my  knowledge, 
grasped  at  the  lands  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  though 
at  the  late  conference  they  only  mention  the  north 
side,  repenting  y°  sale  of  lands  on  the  south  side,  had 
sent  belts  to  the  Senecas  to  stir  up  the  Six  Nations 
to  disavow  their  own  act.  Another  meeting,  I  am 
informed,  is  to  be  held  at  Scioto.  I  ought  to  remark 
that  the  Shawnees  have  spoken  of  the  sale  to  the 
Crown  extending  to  the  Ohio  ;  that  it  is  not  that 
part,  which  for  the  several  reasons  I  formerly  gave,  I 
ventured  to  continue  from  Kanhawa  to  Cherokee 
river,  but  this  pretended  ojection  is  to  the  part 
above  the  Kanhawa."* 

A  play-bill  always  gives  the  names  of  all  the  per- 
sons who  are  to  appear  upon  the  stage,  whether  they 
have  much  to  say  or  not.  Following  this  rule,  we 
must  look  up  the  Indian  tribes,  who  were  brought 
forward  on  the  political  stage  of  the  Ohio  Valley  in 
Colonial  days. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  two  powerful  native 
clans,  already  mentioned,  were  the  Delawares  or 
Lenni-Lenapes.  We  have  nothing  to  do  with  their 
history  when  they  were  living  on  the  lower  Delaware 
and  Susquehannah  rivers,  except  to  know  that  they 
had  been  subdued  by  the  Five  Nations,  and  though 
not  bodily  wiped  from  the  surface  of  the  continent 
like  the  Fries,  they  had  been  deprived  of  all  political 
rights  and  had  been  given  the  petticoat  with  the  title 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VIII,  292. 


50 


The  Ohio   Valley 


ill    ,  : 


(I 


Wy\ 


\m 


Mii 


of  women,  unfit  for  warlike  work.  A  treaty  with  the 
Indians  of  his  department  in  1756,  which  the  Dela- 
wares  attended,  was  concKided  by  Sir  William  John- 
son with  the  ceremony  of  taking  off  from  the 
Algonquin  or  Lenni-Lenape  followers  of  the  Iroquois 
the  petticoat  and  that  invidious  name  of  women. 
This  was  done  in  the  name  of  their  "  father,  the 
great  King  of  England,"  with  the  promise  to  induce 
the  Six  Nations  to  do  the  same.*  As  soon  after  the 
Delawares  acted  independently  from  their  former 
masters,  it  is  most  likely  that  the  Six  Nations  fol- 
lowed Sir  William's  example.  Another  chapter  will 
show  how  impolitic  and  subsequently  disastrous  this 
well-meant,  good-natured  act  of  Sir  William  turned 
out  for  the  English  of  the  Ohio  Valley.  At  the  time 
of  the  just  mentioned  treaty  Delawares  were  seated 
in  the  forks  of  the  Allegany  and  Monongahela  rivers 
where  Pittsburgh  now  stands,  and  Shingiss,  their 
chief,  was  in  1754,  a  terror  to  the  frontier  settle- 
ments. They  had  obtained,  between  1 740  and  1 750, 
from  their  ancient  allies  and  uncles,  the  Wyandots, 
a  grant  of  land  on  the  Muskingum  river,  and  hither 
the  Delawares  with  their  allies  in  the  war,  the  Sha- 
wanoes,  moved  in  1768.* 

"At  the  present  day,"  says  Parkman  in  his  Pontiac, 
"  the  small  remnant  settled  beyond  the  Mississippi 
are  among  the  bravest  marauders  of  the  west." 
General  Fremont  bears  witness  to  their  usefulness 


,*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  119. 


/;/  Colonial  Days. 


51 


to  him  on  his  expedition  and  the  Federal  generals 
who,  during  the  late  war,  commanded  in  that  depart- 
ment knew  their  value  as  scouts  and  outposts. 

The  original  location  of  another  Algonquin  tribe, 
the  Miamis,  seems  to  have  puzzled  the  historians  of 
the  aboriginal  race  of  America,  as  much  as  the  Sha- 
wanoes.  Gallatin  in  his  "Synopsis of  Indian  Tribes" 
places  them  upon  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  C.  C. 
Baldwin,  who  wrote  on  the  "  Early  Migrations  of  the 
Indians  in  Ohio,"*  locates  them  upon  the  river  form- 
erly called  after  them  as  the  River  Miami  of  Lake 
Erie,  now  the  Maumee.  The  first  Europeans,  who 
must  have  traversed  their  territory,  La  Salle,  Joliet, 
Tonty  and  the  earlier  Jesuits,  do  not  mention  their 
name  of  Miamis,  but  may  have  reported  about  them 
under  a  name  so  different,  that  neither  the  French 
name  of  Miamis  nor  the  English  of  Twightwees  is  to 
be  recognized.  Later  Jesuit  miss!  ^.laries,  Charlevoix 
and  Allouez,  think  that  the  Miamis  and  the  Illinois 
have  been  the  same  people,  because  of  the  great 
affinity  of  their  language. 

When  the  Twightwees  first  appear  in  history,  they 
were  allies  of  the  French  and  at  war  with  the  Five 
Nations.  The  Five  Nations  admitted  in  1687,  that 
to  make  peace  with  the  Far  Indians  (which  title  in- 
cluded the  Miamis,  the  Shawanoes  theOttawais,  also 
called  Waganhaes  or  Dowangahaes,  and  the  Dionon- 
dadee  of  the  Huron  nation),  was  well-meant  advice,f 

*  American  Antiquarian,  April,  1879. 
fN.Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IV,  650. 


I 


52 


The  Ohio   Valley 


i  I 


Hill; 


but  in  1699  they  had  not  yet  made  up  their  minds  to 
follow  this  advice,  and  in  1 700  the  secretary  to  the 
Commissioners  of  Indian  Affairs,  Robert  Livingston 
of  Albany,  N.  Y.,  again  advises  after  a  journey  to 
Onondaga,  that  it  is  necessary  to  obtain  a  peace  be- 
tween the  Five  Nations  and  Dowangahaes,  Twight- 
wees  and  other  Far  Indians  and  to  build  a  fort  between 
Lakes  Sweege  (Erie)  and  Ottawawa  (Huron),  744 
miles  from  Albany.  To  such  a  fort,  he  thinks  all  the 
Twightwees,  Kichtages  (Illinois),  Wawyachtenokes 
and  Shawanoes  would  come.  In  1721  the  Miamis 
(Twightwees)  are  still  settled  upon  the  river,  named 
after  them  and  running  into  Lake  Erie,  to  the  number 
of  2,000.  To  gain  this  nation  as  allies  and  friends  of 
the  English  was  considered  as  a  matter  of  great  im- 
portance and  it  was  proposed  and  recommended, — 
the  Board  of  Trade  in  London  and  Governor  Spots- 
wood  of  Virginia  being  of  this  opinion, —  to  establish 
a  trade  with  them  and  build  a  small  fort  on  Lake 
Erie,  where,  up  to  1718,  the  French  had  as  yet  no 
settlem 'int.*  Two  years  later,  in  1 723,  they  were  first 
seen  in  the  colonies  of  England.  Deputies  of  their 
nation  arrived  in  New  York  with  an  interpreter,  who 
informed  the  Governor  and  Council,  that  they  were 
called  Miamis  by  the  French  and  lived  upon  the 
branches  of  the  Mississippi. 

A  peace  between  the  Five  Nations  and  the  Far 
Indians  was  evidently  not  concluded,  as  Livingston 
had  suggested,  for  in  1 736  the  Miamis  had  dwindled 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  V,  620-2. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


53 


down  to  200  fighting  men,  while  their  sub-tribes  of 
the  Ouyattanons,  Peanguichias  and  Petikokias  num- 
bered only  350.  The  peculiar  social  division  into 
families,  distinguished  by  totems,  but  belonging  to 
the  same  village,  extended  to  these  western  tribes. 
Mr.  Parkman,  in  his  "  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,"  and 
Schoolcraft,  in  his  "Oneota,"  have  explained  this 
system  of  totems  so  fully,  that  it  is  superfluous  to 
dilate  on  it  here  beyond  stating,  that  the  Miamis 
had  for  totems  of  their  principal  families  the  Hind 
and  the  Crane,  a  third  family  was  of  the  Bear. 
The  Serpent,  Deer  and  Small  Acorn  were  the  totems 
of  the  sub-tribes. 

The  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  had  nearly 
passed  and  the  Iroquois  were  still  at  war  with  the 
Miamis.  A  sachem  of  the  Five  Nations  tells  the  Mar- 
quis de  Beauharnois,  Governor  of  Canada,  in  1 745  : 
"This  spring  your  children,  the  Ouyatonons,  Miamis 
and  Peanguichias  have  struck  me.  I*  did  not  carry 
the  hatchet  back  to  them,  as  I  bore  in  mind  your  or- 
der to  keep  peace."f  Beauharnois  promised  to  rep- 
rimand his  children,  the  Miamis,  etc.,  and  did  it  so 
well,  that  three  years  later,  the  Iroquois  presented  at 
the  treaty,  held  at  Lancaster,  Pa.  (1748),  some  depu- 
ties from  their  former  enemies,  to  have  them  admit- 
ted to  the  covenant  chains  with  the  English  and 
their  Indian  allies.     Apparently  the  Miamis  did  not 

*The  speaker  means  by  I  the  whole  of  the  Confederacy  of  Iroquois,  for 
whom  he  speaks. 
fN.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  X,  25. 


The  Ohio   Valley 

include  their  sub-tribes  of  Pianguichias  and  Wawi- 
oughtones  in  this  covenant,  or  the  tie  between  them 
was  of  such  a  character,  that  one  tribe  could  not  act 
politically  for  the  others.  For  George  Croghan,  who 
traded  along  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie  and  was 
for  some  time  Sir  William  Johnson's  agent  to  the 
Indians  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  reported,  that  while 
among  the  Twightwees  in  1 749-50,  to  deliver  them 
presents,  chiefs  of  the  Pianguichias  and  Wawiough- 
tonas  living  on  the  Wabash  came  to  him  and  re- 
quested admission  to  the  Covenant  chain  with  the 
English  and  the  Five  Nations.  Croghan,  well  versed 
in  Indian  politics  and  knowing  the  necessity  of  draw- 
ing over  to  the  British  interest  as  many  of  the  west- 
ern tribes  as  possible,  was  in  favor  of  having  these 
new  applicants  received  into  the  English  alliance, 
but  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  rejected  this 
friendly  offer  of  the  Pianguichias  and  Wawiough- 
tones,  "condemned  Croghan  for  bad  conduct  in 
drawing  an  additional  expense  on  the  Government 
and  the  Indians  were  neglected."* 

Gist,  an  agent  of  Virginia,  who  was  sent  out  west  on 
a  mission  to  the  Indians  in  1751,  found  Twightwees, 
whom  Harrison,  in  his  "  Aborigines,"  calls  the  most 
eastern  of  the  Miami  tribes,  in  villages  on  the  Scioto. 
The  same  author  places  Hurons  or  Wyandots  into 
the  territory  eastward  from  Miami  bay  along  what 
is  now  called  the  Western  Reserve  and  southward 
as  far  as  the  Ohio.     West  of  them  sit,  according  to 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  268. 


iiilii!  i 


In  Colonial  Days.  55 

him,  the  Miamis.  Numerous  villages  were  to  be 
found  in  the  extensive  territory  occupied  by  them 
on  the  Scioto,  the  headwaters  of  the  two  Miamis  of 
the  Ohio,  also  on  the  Miami  of  Lake  Erie  and  the 
Wabash,  but  none  on  the  Ohio.  In  1763  the  Wyan- 
dots,  numbering  250  men,  had  some  villages  near 
Fort  Sandusky,  while  the  Twightwees,  living  near 
the  fort  on  the  Miami  (Maumee)  river,  numbered 
only  230  men.  The  official  report,  from  which  these 
figures  are  taken,*  calls  them  an  originally  very 
powerful  people,  who,  having  been  subdued  by  the 
Six  Nations,  were  permitted  to  enjoy  their  landed 
possessions.  The  report  continues  by  calling  the 
Kickapous,  Mascoutens,  Piankashaws  and  Wawiagh- 
tonas,  altogether  570  fighters,  sub-tribes  of  the 
Miamis  on  the  Wabash.  They  resided  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  fort  at  Wawiaghta,  and  though  the 
reporter  has  heard  of  more  tribes  and  villages  there, 
he  confesses  that  the  just  named  are  all,  who  are  per- 
fectly known. 

Of  the  Far  Nations,  not  already  spoken  of,  much 
need  not  be  said  here,  for  they  were  not  residents  of 
the  Ohio  Valley.  But  as  the  term  "  Far  Nations  "  is 
sometimes  used  in  colonial  documents  without  giv- 
ing the  tribal  name,  a  short  resume  of  their  relations 
with  the  Colonies,  may  interest  the  reader. 

The  Governor  and  Council  of  New  York  directed 
in  1687,  that  an  inquiry  should  be  made  among  the 
Five  Nations  of  how  long  since  they  first  traded  with 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  583. 


itii!    I 


I 


■ji^s  I  i 


56 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  farther  Indians  and  the  Indians  with  the  Straws 
or  Pyres  through  their  noses.*  [Quaere?  the  mod- 
ern Nez  Perces.] 

This  inquiry  was  instigated  by  commercial  reason, 
as  the  subsequent  action  of  the  Representatives  of 
Albany  and  Esopus  (Ulster  county)  in  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  Province  showed.  Both  places  were 
more  or  less  the  fur  and  peltry  market  of  the  Eng- 
lish Colonies,  and  as  the  Five  Nations  had  practi- 
cally depopulated  their  country  from  fur-bearing  ani- 
mals, it  became  necessary  to  go  farther  afield  for  the 
valuable  products  of  the  chase,  by  the  trade  for 
which  the  Dutch  inhabitants  of  the  named  districts 
laid  the  foundation  for  their  wealth.  The  Represen- 
tatives mentioned  urged  in  1691,  that  commu- 
nications opened  and  peace  made  with  the  Far  Na- 
tions would  be  of  great  benefit  and  revenue  for  the 
Province.  The  Assembly  concurred  in  this  view  of 
the  matter  and  ordered,  that  Albany  should  send  six 
Christians  and  Esopus  also  six  with  twenty- five  In- 
dians to  treat  with  the  Far  Nations.f 

In  1694  Far  Indians,  settled  in  the  Minissink 
country,  came  to  thank  Corlear  for  the  care  taken 
of  them  and  put  themselves  under  the  protection  of 
New  York. J  These  Far  Indians  were  probably 
Shawanese,  who  have  been  shown  above  to  have 
come  to  New  York  at  this  time.     The  Indians  of  the 


*N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSS.,  VI,  p.  v. 
fib.,  27. 
tib.,  VII,  99. 


I'll  i|i 
1  y^ 


liiiiL:!: 


In  Colonial  Days. 


57 


Minissink  country  were  of  the  Lenni-Lenape  or 
Delaware  tribe  and  the  alliance  between  them  and 
the  Shawanese,  which  later  became  so  fateful  to  the 
English  colonists,  dates  probably  from  the  time  of 
their  settlement  in  the  valley  of  the  Delaware  river. 
Onondagas  acquainted  the  Governor  of  New  York 
in  1 701,  that  the  Waganhaes  or  Far  Nations  wanted 
to  make  peace  with  the  Five  Nations,  and  had  ap- 
pointed the  "hunting  place,  called  Tiughsaghronde " 
(Detroit)  for  the  meeting.  They  wanted  an  agent 
of  New  York  to  be  present.  If  none  should  be  sent, 
Dekanisore,  the  great  Sachem  of  the  Onondagas, 
declared,  he  would  never  concern  himself  again  in 
public  affairs.  Lawrence  Claese,  the  Indian  inter- 
preter of  the  Commissioners  for  Indian  Affairs,  was 
first  sent  to  look  into  the  matter  in  hand,  and  upon 
his  report,  that  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Wagan- 
haes was  really  meant  to  be  negotiated.  Captain 
John  Bleeker  and  David  Schuyler  were  sent  to 
represent  New  York  at  the  treaty  and  tell  the 
Five  Nations  that  they  must  be  on  their  guard  a. 
Detroit,  for  Onondaga  ought  to  have  been  selected 
as  the  place  of  meeting,  their  Long  House  or  Coun- 
cil chamber  standing  there.*  The  negotiations  at 
Detroit  were  apparently  not  quite  satisfactory  or  re- 
sulted only  in  a  truce  between  the  warring  tribes,  for 
in  April,  1 709,  a  message  reached  the  Governor  of 
New  York  from  the  Five  Nations,  that  four  nations 
of  the  Waganhaes,  with  whom  the  New  York  tribes 


*N.  Y.  Col.  xMSS.,  XLIV,  170. 


8 


il ! 


PI  !> 


^!li! 


illlill  iMl    I 


58 


The  Ohio   Valley 


had  been  at  war,  wanted  to  make  peace  and  had 
again  named  the  place  for  a  conference.  The  Five 
Nations  remembered  the  reminder  given  them  on 
the  former  occasion,  refused  to  go  to  the  place  ap- 
pointed by  the  Far  Indians  and  named  places  in 
their  own  territory  for  the  meeting.  A  New  York 
agent  was  again  sent  to  be  present  at  the  meeting,  in 
order  to  secure  for  the  Province  free  trade  with  the 
Waganhaes.*  Indian  peace-treaties  seem  to  have  had 
very  little  binding  force  and  required  always  ad- 
ditional negotiations.  In  1710  the  Far  Nations 
wanted  to  come  mto  the  Covenant  chain, f  but  a 
year  later  the  Five  Nations  of  New  York  again  in- 
tending to  go  to  war  with  the  Waganhaes,  were  re- 
fused powder  and  lead  for  that  purpose,  when  they 
called  for  it  upon  Corlear.  We  do  not  know  when 
the  peace  between  these  warring  tribes  became  final, 
but  may  presume  it  was  perfected  in  the  following 
decade,  as  Captain  Peter  Schuyler,  who  was  sent  as 
agent  to  live  among  the  Indians,  received  the  follow- 
ing instructions  in  September,  1721:  "You  are  to 
acquaint  all  the  Far  Nations,  that  the  road  through 
the  Five  Nations  for  trade  with  this  Province  shall 
be  kept  open  and  clean. "J  Captain  Abraham  Schuy- 
ler was  sent  on  the  same  errand  in  the  following 
year  and  told  to  use  all  means  to  draw  the  Far  In- 
dians to  the  Province  of  New  York,  by  giving  them 
notice,  that  he  was  settled  in  the  Seneca  country  for 

*N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LIII.  56;   Council  Min.,  MSS.,  X,  299. 

fib.,  526. 

JN.  Y.  Council  Min.,  MSS.,  XIII,  169. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


59 


their  ease  and  encouragement.  He  was  also  to 
promise  them  a  free  passage  through  the  country  of 
the  Iroquois.* 

The  southern  intervales  of  the  Ohio  Valley  seem  to 
have  been  principally  inhabited  by  the  Cherokees  or 
Cherakees.  Joliet,  to  whom  we  owe  the  first  knowl- 
edge of  the  tribes  living  along  the  Mississippi,  does 
not  mention  their  name  on  his  map,  while  Dr.  John 
Mitchell  says  on  his  map  of  1755,  the  western  part  of 
Kentucky,  "  The  country  of  the  Cherakees,  which 
extends  westward  to  the  Mississippi  and  northward 
to  the  confines  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  formally  sur- 
rendered to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  at  Westmin- 
ster, 1729."  Delisle's  map  of  1707  has  "gros  vil- 
lages des  Cheraquee  "  on  the  Cosquinambaux  river 
and  at  the  heads  of  the  rivers  passing  through 
South  Carolina  on  their  way  to  the  ocean.  The 
"  improved "  d'Anville  map  places  them  near  the 
head  of  the  river  called  after  them  ;  in  the  German 
edition  of  d'Anville  they  are  moved  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Holston  river,  while  Henry  Popple  has  them  at 
the  sources  of  the  Ganahooche  or  Apalachicola.  A 
map  of  "Carolina  nebst  einem  Theile  von  Florida" 
(with  a  part  of  Florida),  published  by  the  Homans, 
tells  us  the  Cherokees  had  thirty  villages  ;  t  the 
head  of  the  Cusatzes  and  ten  on  that  of  the  Savan- 
nah river 

*  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSS.,  XIII,  350. 


1 


■,;i|i' 

I! 


Ml 


1 1 


ii 


Illlj 
I!  I 


ill 
ill 


I 


IS 

l!i 


CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Beginning  of  the  Struggle  for  Supremacy. 

The  discoveries  by  the  Portuguese   in  the  four- 
teenth and  by  the  Spaniards  in  th!  fifteenth  cent; 

law  asTt":^  °"!  "''^""^y  *°  '""^  international 

law  as  ,t  then  existed.     According  to  a  maxim  of  the 

av,l  aw(wh,ch  said.  -.qu.  nulliussun,  in  bonis  dan! 
HeTf  ?K  ^'"^^'^°P'^'^-  ^hich  gave  title  to  newcoun- 

that  no  Christian  prince  or  nation  had  already  taken 
possession  of  it."  England,  however,  seems  t'o  have 
never  adopted  this  principle;  for  to  them  discovery 
without  occupancy  meant  possession.     Hakluvt  savs 

Te^Y  "xfT'  !:-'^---"("i.  '55.  ZZ: 

I  A  f  If  ^'f  discovery  of  these  coasts,  neve^ 
heard  of  before  (of  North-America),  was  wel  begun 
by  Jean  Cabot  and  Sebastian,  his  son,  who  were^the 
first  finders  out  of  all  that  great  tract  of  land  stretch! 
mg  from  the  Cape  of  Florida  unto  those  islands 
which  we  now  call  the  Newfoundland,  or  which  they 
brought  and  annexed  to  the  crown  of  England  in 
ll?7_AndNionongbefore  the  American  Revolu- 


ijii 


The  Ohio   Valley  m  Colonial  Days.  6i 

tion  Edmund  Burke  said  in  his  "  Account  of  the 
European  Settlements  in  America:"  "We  derive 
our  rights  in  America  from  the  discovery  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,*  who  first  made  the  northern  continent 
in  1497.  The  fact  is  sufficiently  certain  to  establish 
a  right  to  our  settlements  in  America." 

At  the  time  when  Hakluyt  wrote  the  words,  quoted 
above,  and  later,  when  the  English  came  to  establish 
colonies  on  this  continent,  nothing  was  known  of  the 
vast  territory,  stretching  westward  from  the  Atlantic 
ocean.  It  has  been  told  in  a  previous  chapter,  how 
the  country  back  "of  these  coasts,  never  heard  of 
before  "  and  then  partly  held  by  the  English,  was  dis- 
covered by  a  Frenchman.  His,  LaSalle's,  further 
discoveries  and  journey  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  con- 
cern us  here  only  so  far,  as  that  on  the  9th  day  of 
April,  1682,  long  before  an  Englishman  had  heard  of 
his  discovery,  he  took  possession,  in  the  name  of 
Louis  XIV  of  France,  of  "all  the  seas,  harbors,  ports, 
bays,  adjacent  straits  and  all  the  nations,  peoples, 
provinces,  cities,  towns,  villages,  mines,  minerals, 
fisheries,  streams,"  within  the  extent  of  Louisiana 
from  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  St.  Louis,  other- 
wise called  Ohio,f  and  including  the  Olighin  (Alle- 
ghany), Sipou  and  Chuckagoua  (our  present  Ohio). 
"  On  that  day,"  says  Parkman  in  "  Discovery  of  the 
Great  West,"  France  received  on  parchment  a  stu- 
pendous possession.    The  fertile  plains  of  Texas,  the 

*  He  ought  to  have  said  John  Cabot. 

f  This  was  the  Iroquois  name  for  the  Mississippi. 


62 


The  Ohio   Valley 


vast  basin  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its  frozen  northern 
springs  to  the  sultry  borders  of  the  gulf,  from  the 
woody  ridges  of  the  Alleghanies  to  the  bare  peaks  of 
the  Rocky  mountains,  all  was  declared  French  domin- 
ion." Part  of  this  vast  territory,  the  northern  coun- 
ties of  the  present  State  of  Ohio,  along  the  south 
shore  of  Lake  Erie,  had  long  before,  in  1669,  been 
taken  possession  of  for  France  by  the  two  Sulpitian 
brothers,  Dollier  de  Casson  and  Gallinay,  mentioned 
in  a  former  chapter. 

The  discovery  of  the  hitherto  unknown  country  and 
the  formal  act  of  declaring  it  part  and  parcel  of  the 
French  dominions,  ought,  according  to  English  cus- 
tom of  the  day,  to  have  been  sufficient,  to  hold  it  in- 
violable in  times  of  peace.  It  is  likely  that  the  French, 
suspicious  of  their  English  neighbors,  tried  to  follow 
the  example  set  by  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  in 
the  preceding  century,  of  concealing  their  discovery 
of  new  countries,  whence  an  abundant  supply  of  furs 
and  even  valuable  metals,  as  copper,  could  be  ob- 
tained, but  their  attempts  to  do  so  proved  futile 
within  a  decade. 

Frontenac,  the  Governor  of  Canada,  had  at  an  early 
day  recognized  the  importance  of  a  fortified  settle- 
ment at  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario,  as  first  suggested 
by  his  predecessor,  de  Courcelles.  He  intended  by 
it  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  from  carrying  to  Albany 
the  peltries,  for  which  they  went  to  the  Ottawas,  and 
thus  to  oblige  them  to  seek  a  market  at  Montreal, 
which,  he  thought,  was  only  just,  as  they  hunted  on 


In  Colonial  Days.  63 

French  territory.  Thoroughly  convinced  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  such  a  step  Count  Frontenac  went  to  the 
place  where  the  fort*  was  to  be  built.  *'  On  approach- 
ing the  first  opening  of  the  lake,  the  Count  wished  to 
proceed  with  more  order  and  in  line  of  battle.  He 
accordingly  arranged  the  whole  fleet  as  follows: 

Four  squadrons,  as  vanguard,  in  front  and  in  one 
line,  two  batteaus. 

After  these  came  Comte  de  Frontenac  at  the  head 
of  all  the  canoes  of  his  guards,  of  his  staff  and  of  the 
volunteers  attached  to  his  person  ;  having  on  his 
right  the  squadron  from  Trois  Rivieres  and  on  his 
left  those  of  the  Hurons  and  Algonquins."f 

Although  this  somewhat  theatrical  mise  en  scene 
was  witnessed  by  only  few  members  of  the  Indian 
tribes  for  whose  benefit  it  was  intended,  it  had  the 
desired  effect  upon  the  Five  Nations,  whom  Fronte- 
nac had  summoned  to  meet  him  at  Catarakoui, 
for  the  Indians  declared  themselves  satisfied  and 
glad,  to  have  an  establishment  for  trade  so  near 
their  homes.  Astute  as  the  children  of  the  forest 
were,  they  failed  to  see  the  ulterior  purposes  which 
Fort  Frontenac  was  to  serve.  Four  days  after  Fron- 
tenac had  begun  negotiations  with  the  Indians,  the 
fort  was  almost  ready  for  its  new  tenants.  A  year 
later,  when  Joliet  had  returned  from  his  tour  of  dis- 
covery, which  had  led  him  to  the  Mississippi,  the 
Governor  could   write  to   his  superiors  in    France : 


*  Now  Kingston,  Canada. 
fN.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  102. 


64 


The  Ohio   Valley 


"  Sieur  Joliet,  whom  Monsieur  Talon*  advised  me, 
to  dispatch  for  the  discovery  of  the  South  sea,  re- 
turned three  months  ago  and  found  some  very  fine 
countries  and  a  navigation  so  easy  through  the 
beautiful  rivers,  that  a  person  can  go  from  Lake  On- 
tario and  Fort  Frontenac  in  a  bark  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  there  being  only  one  carrying  place,  half  a 
league  in  length,  where  Lake  Ontario  communicates 
with  Lake  Erie.  A  settlement  could  be  made  at 
this  post.  .  .  .  He  believes  that  water  commu- 
nication could  be  found  leading  to  the  Vermillion 
and  California  Seas,  by  means  of  the  river  that  flows 
from  the  West." 

Thus  was  outlined  the  French  policy  of  the  subse- 
quent period,  which  tended  to  link  together  their  pos- 
sessions in  Louisiana  and  on  the  St.  Lawrence  by  a 
chain  of  forts  on  the  Ohio.  The  injunction  of  Louis 
XIV,  given  to  Frontenac  in  i676,t  not  to  turn  his 
intention  to  new  discoveries  without  necessity  and  a 
very  great  advantage,  as  it  was  better  to  occupy  less 
territory  and  to  people  it  thoroughly,  than  to  have 
feeble  colonies  of  large  territorial  extents  and  easily 
destroyed,  as  well  as  the  same  king's  order,  to  keep 
peace  with  the  English,  delayed  for  some  time  a  col- 
lision between  the  two  rival  nations. 

If  the  English  had  at  first  remained  in  ignorance 
of  the  newly-opened  fur  market  in  the  west,  they 
were    soon   to    be  informed  of    it    by    Frenchmen. 

*  Intendant  of  Canada. 

IN.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  126.  , 


In  Colonial  Days. 


65 


Notwithstanding  the  orders  and  laws,  made  by  the 
new  Intendant,  Duchesneau,  in  1679,  Canadian 
coureurs  des  bois  obtained  peltries  from  the  Indians 
and  then  carried  them  to  the  English  market.  Of 
course,  this  had  to  be  done  stealthily  and,  therefore, 
the  supply  could  not  be  a  very  great  one.  Afraid 
that  the  English  traders  might  be  prevented  access 
to  the  as  yet  unknown,  but  nevertheless  promising 
territory,  and  that  consequently  her  trade,  always  the 
first  consideration  in  the  English  mind,  might  suffer, 
England  suddenly  saw  fit  to  ignore  the  maxim  of 
international  law,  established  by  herself,  that  "  dis- 
covery establishes  title "  and  although  not  yet  in- 
tending to  occupy  the  territory,  covered  by  a  French 
paper  title,  they  boldly  invaded  it  for  the  purposes 
of  trade  with  the  Far  Nations,  and  soon  a  report 
came  to  the  ears  of  the  French  Governor,  de  Denon- 
ville,  that  the  English  intended  to  have  a  post  on 
Lake  Ontario.  To  counteract  the  bad  effect  such 
an  English  establishment  would  have  on  Canada  and 
French  influences  in  America  he  proposed  a  fort, 
like  Frontenac,  on  Lake  Erie  and  some  vessels  on 
the  lake,  which  would  make  the  journey  to  Missili- 
mackinack  an  easier  one  and  enable  the  French  to 
take  the  Illinois  in  hand.*  To  do  this,  however,  it 
was  necessary  to  subdue  the  Iroquois. 

Before  the  French  Governor  could  obtain  the 
King's  sanction  for  carrying  out  his  plans,  his  Eng- 
lish neighbors  in   New   York  took  steps  to  extend 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  282. 


66 


The  Ohio   Va..ey 


their  commercial  enterprises.  Governor  Dongan 
began  to  issue  licenses  in  the  summer  of  1686  for 
trading,  hunting  and  making  discoveries  to  the  south- 
west.* Two  of  these  parties,  under  Captain  Rose- 
boom  of  Albany  and  Patrick  MacGregory,  went  to 
trade  under  such  licenses  with  the  Ottawawas  on 
Lake  Huron,  where  Jesuit  missionaries  from  France 
had  established  themselves  as  early  as  i634.f  We  do 
not  know  which  route  these  intrepid  traders  took  to 
reach  their  market,  but  may  safely  suppose  that  they 
skirted  the  Ohio  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  to  avoid  en- 
countering French  parties  on  the  so-called  Ottawa 
route  along  the  Canada  shore.  Their  precaution  was, 
however,  frustrated  and  near  their  destination  they 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French.  In  defending  this 
invasion  of  territory,  belonging  to  or  claimed  by  a 
nation  with  whom  his  own  master  was  then  at  peace, 
Governor  Dongan  claimed,  that  it  was  as  free  for 
the  English  to  trade  with  the  Far  Nations,  as  to  the 
French. J  His  assertion  that  "the  situation  of  those 
parts  bespeaks  the  King  of  England  to  have  a  better 
right  to  them,  than  the  French,  they  lying  to  the 
south  of  us,  just  on  the  back  of  other  parts  of  our 
dominions  and  a  very  great  way  from  your  terri- 
tories,"—  discloses  a  lamentable  Ignorance  of  geo- 
graphical knowledge  among  the  English.  This  was 
the  first  move  In  the  game  of  chess,  for  which  the 

*N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  XXXIII,  282  etseq. 

f  Le  Jeune,  Relation  de  cequi  s'est  pass6  en  la  Nouvelle  France  en  I'ann^e 

1635- 
X  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  Ill,  469. 


>l 


In  Colonial  Days. 


67 


valley  of  the  Ohio  furnished  one  side  of  the  board. 
The  epistolary  discussion  of  the  affaire  MacGre- 
gory  drew  out  some  further  sentiments  from  Gover- 
nor Dongan,  which  throw  interesting  side  lights 
upon  the  question.  "I  believe,"  he  says  in  1688,* 
"  it  as  lawful  for  me  to  send  to  the  Ottawawas,  as  for 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  but  think  it  very  unjust  in 
Monsieur  de  Denonville  to  build  a  fort  at  Onyagaro 
or  to  make  war  upon  the  Five  Nations,  who  have 
long  been  subjects  of  the  King  of  England.  If  the 
sheep's  fleece  be  the  thing  in  dispute,  pray  let  the 
King  of  England  have  some  part  of  it."  That  he 
objected  to  see  the  friends  and  allies  of  the  English, 
the  Five  Nations,  disturbed  by  war,  was  natural,  but  at 
the  same  time  he  could  not  overlook  the  benefit  which 
the  "  sheep's  fleece,"  the  trade  with  the  Five  Nations 
and  others,  would  bring  to  his  master's  pocket.  Trade, 
profitable  trade  above  all,  by  fair  or  by  foul  means, 
was  evidently  the  motto  of  the  English  of  that  day. 

On  what  did  the  English  base  their  rights  to  trade 
on  so-called  French  territory?  Simply  on  the  treaties 
of  friendship,  the  "covenant-chain,"  made  with  the 
Five  Nations,  which  secured  to  the  European 
intruders  immunity  from  Indian  invasions,  but  had 
nothing  to  say  about  English  traders  going  beyond 
the  territory  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Five 
Nations  and  of  their  friends  or  their  enemies.  Inter- 
national law  and  comity  were  of  only  secondary  im- 
portance, when  trade  was  in  question. 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  III.  538. 


68 


The  Ohio   Valley 


i>!!!l 


it    ■  I 

I'M' 


We  need  not  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  French 
Governors  attempted  to  protect  not  only  the  trade 
of  their  people,  but  also  the  sheep,  whom  they  shore.* 
They  kept  spies  at  Albany,  who  informed  them  of  all 
hunting  parties,  going  to  trade  with  the  Far  Nations 
and  when  convenient,  French  parties  were  sent  after 
them  to  arrest  the  Englishmen  of  the  party  and  if 
possible  induce  the  French  coureurs  des  bois,  in 
English  pay,  to  return  to  Canada.f 

Governor  Dongan  had  learned  about  1684,  ^s  we 
have  seen  above,  that  there  was  considerable  terri- 
tory west  of  the  country  known  to  the  English  colo- 
nists, perhaps  in  consequence  of  a  message  sent  to 
him  by  Governor  de  la  Barre  of  Canada,  for  he 
writes  about  that  time:  "I  send  a  map  by  Mr. 
Spragg,t  whereby  your  Lo^^  may  see  the  several 
Governm^^etc.,  how  they  lye  where  the  Beaver  hunt- 
ing is  &  where  it  will  be  necessary  to  erect  our 
Country  Forts  for  the  securing  of  Beaver  Trade  & 
keeping  the  Indians  in  community  with  us.  Alsoe  it 
points  where  there's  a  great  River  discovered  by  one 
Lasal,  a  Frenchman  from  Canada,  who  ....  brought 
two  or  three  vessels  with  people  to  settle  there,  which 
(if  true)  will  prove  very  inconvenient  to  us  (the 
River  running  all  along  from  our  Lakes  by  the  Back 
of  Virginia  and  Carolina  to  the  Bay  of  Mexico."§ 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IV,  501. 
f  lb.,  715  et  seq. 

X  Secretary  of  the  Province.     It   is  to  be  regretted,  that  the  map  is  no 
longer  in  existence  or  its  whereabouts  known. 
§  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  III,  396. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


69 


To  assert  the  English  right  to  the  new  discoveries, 
made  by  a  Frenchman,  he  sent  the  arms  of  the  King 
of  England  to  be  set  up  near  Niagara  and  asked  per 
mission  to  erect  a  fort  there,  although  he  knew,  that 
the  French  claimed  the  country  "as  far  as  Mexico, 
for  which  they  have  no  other  argument,  than  that 
they  have  had  possession  this  twenty  years  by  their 
fathers  living  so  long  among  the  Indians."  But 
trade  required  the  maintaining  of  a  correspondence 
with  the  Far  Nations  and,  therefore,  the  French 
claims  could  not  be  considered,  even  though  justified 
by  international  law. 

In  the  meantime  the  French  again  took  possession 
of  the  settlement  at  Niagara,  which  had  first  been 
established  by  LaSalle  in  1668,  and  been  burnt  by 
the  Senecas  twelve  years  later.  They  built  a  fort 
there  in  1687  and  manned  it,  according  to  an  Indian 
report,  with  400  men  and  great  guns,  while  Governor 
Dongan  pushed  his  usurpation  of  French  territory 
so  far,  as  to  send  men  to  make  themselves  masters 
iti  their  King's  name  of  the  post  at  Michilimackinack. 
The  Five  Nations  were  not  well  pleased  to  see  the 
French,  the  first  disastrous  meeting  with  whom  un- 
der Champlain  in  1609  they  never  forgot,  settle  on 
their  territory,  and  were  glad  to  hear  Governor  Don- 
gan propose  an  English  fort  at  Cajonhage  on  the 
Great  Lake,^  but  he  was  overruled  by  the  Indian 
Commissioners,  who  favored  Oswego,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Onondaga  river. 

*  Supposed  to  be  Salmon  river,  Oswego  Co.,  N.  Y. 


^o 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Nothing  was  done.  The  French  abandoned  their 
fort  at  Niagara  after  a  year's  occupancy,  a  disastrous 
war  against  the  Iroquois  having  shown  them,  that 
this  advanced  post  could  not  altogether  protect  their 
trade  to  the  far  west.  King  William's  war  drew  the 
attention  of  the  English  from  the  subject,  and 
nothing  was  heard  of  it  until  about  1699,  Robert 
Livingston,  Secretary  of  the  New  York  Commis- 
sioners for  Indian  Affairs,  submitted  some  observa- 
tions on  the  decay  of  the  Albany  trade,  in  which  he 
was  personally  interested,  to  the  then  Governor  of 
New  York,  Lord  Bellomont.  He  gives  as  reason 
for  this  decay  the  impoverished  state  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, brought  about  by  the  late  war  and  the  French 
intrigues  among  the  Far  Indians,  by  which  they  are 
kept  constantly  on  the  warpath  against  the  Five 
Nations  of  New  York.  As  a  remedy  and  tonic  for 
the  drooping  trade  he  advises,  that  New  York  should 
endeavor  to  negotiate  a  peace  between  these  warring 
tribes,  which  would  enable  Englishmen  to  trade 
again  to  the  west  and  increase  his  Majesty's  revenues. 
This  could  be  done,  he  suggests,  by  sending  a  party 
of  200  white  men,  natives  of  the  Colonies  and  as  such 
good  woodsmen,  with  300  to  400  Iroquois  to  make  a 
fort  at  Wawayachtenock  (now  Detroit)  and  "  so  pro- 
ceed to  the  respective  Far  Nations,  who  will  undoubt- 
edly receive  them,  although  the  French  are  there 
among  them  and  have  a  pretended  sort  of  possession 
by  a  laying  a  Jesuit  and  some  few  men  in  a  small  fort ; 
for  wherever  a  Frenchman  has  once  set  his  foot,  he 


mm 


In  Colonial  Days. 


71 


claims  a  right  and  title  to  the  country."  After  the 
peace  had  been  made  between  the  Iroquois  and  the 
Dowaganhaes,  Twightwees,  Ottawas  and  other  Far 
Indians,  all  these  tribes  will  resort  to  Albany  to  dis- 
pose of  their  furs,  and  the  trade  there  will  be  in- 
creased tenfold,  while  now  the  French  deprive  the 
English  of  it  by  their  frivolous  pretenses  of  subduing 
those  Far  Nations  and  converting  them  to  the  Chris- 
tian faith.*  Livingston,  the  son  of  a  minister  of  the 
gospel,  ought  to  have  known  the  biblical  parable  of 
the  beam  in  his  own  eye  and  the  mote  in  that  of  his 
neighbor,  for  he  proposes  to  do,  what  he  reprimands 
the  French  for  having  done  ;  the  English  claimed  the 
whole  continent,  not  because  their  seamen  had  first 
trodden  upon  its  soil,  but  because  they  had  first  seen 
it. 

Lord  Bellomont  approved  of  building  a  fort  in  the 
Onondaga  country.  He  foresaw,  that  the  French 
designed  first  to  annihilate  the  Iroquois,  which  could 
easily  be  done  under  the  dilatory  policy  of  the  Brit- 
ish government,  and  then  with  the  help  of  the  west- 
ern Indians  to  drive  all  the  English  into  the  ocean, f 
and  the  next  year,  1 700,  he  suggested  a  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Onondaga  river,  thus  adopting  the 
formerly  expressed  plan  of  the  more  experienced  In- 
dian commissioners.  This  fort  at  Oswego  would  se- 
cure the  rivers,  by  which  the  French  had  obtained 
access  to  the  Seneca  country  in  1687,  while  it  would 


*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IV,  500. 
t  lb..  505. 


72 


The  Ohio   Valley 


enable  the  Dowaganhaes  and  other  western  tribes,  at 
war  with  the  Five  Nations,  to  come  and  trade  with 
the  English  in  spite  of  their  Iroquois  enemies.* 
Again  nothing  was  done.  Jealous  of  the  increasing 
power  of  the  Bourbons,  King  William  III  declared 
war  against  Spain  and  France,  both  countries  under 
kings  of  the  Bourbon  family.  His  death  shortly 
after  the  declaration  of  war  did  not  bring  peace,  and 
Queen  Anne's  war,  as  it  was  called  after  his  succes- 
sor, lasted  for  eleven  years,  to  1713.  The  waves  of 
the  bloody  contest  did  not  reach  the  shores  of  Lakes 
Ontario  and  Erie,  but  all  suggested  enterprises  in 
that  direction  were  laid  aside,  and  the  English  colon- 
ists of  the  last  century,  as  well  as  their  descendants, 
can  congratulate  themselves,  that  the  allies  at  war 
against  France  found  so  much  employment  for  Louis 
XIV,  that  he  could  send  neither  men  nor  money  to 
prosecute  his  plans  in  America. 

The  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  which  ended  this  war  in 
I  713,  by  its  fifteenth  article  meant  to  settle  the  dis- 
puted questions  concerning  the  boundaries  between 
the  French  and  the  English  in  the  west.  It  said  : 
"  The  subjects  of  France,  inhabiting  Canada,  shall 
hereafter  give  no  hindrance  or  molestation  to  the 
Five  Nations  or  Cantons  of  Indians  subject  to  the 
dominion  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to  the  other  natives 
of  America,  who  are  friends  to  the  same.  In  like 
manner  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  shall  behave 
themselves  peaceably  to  the  Americans,  who  are  sub- 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IV,  717. 


luaiituiii 


In  Colonial  Days.  73 

jects  or  friends  to  France,  and  on  both  sides  they 
shall  enjoy  full  liberty  on  account  of  trade,  as  also 
the  natives  of  those  countries  shall  with  the  same 
liberty  resort  as  they  please  to  the  British  or  French 
colonies  for  promoting  trade  on  the  one  or  the  other, 
without  any  molestation  or  hindrance  either  on  the 
part  of  the  British  subjects  or  the  French,  but  it  is  to 
be  exactly  and  distinctly  settled  by  commissaries,  who 
are  and  who  ought  to  be  accounted  the  ubjects  and 
friends  of  Britain  and  of  France." 

Eight  years  later  the  English  Lords  of  Trade  and 
Plantations  admitted  in  a  memorial  on  the  American 
plantations,*  that  "  the  French  territories  extend  from 
the  mouth  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  to  the  embou- 
chure of  the  Mississippi,  forming  one  continued  line 
from  north  to  south  on  the  back  of  your  Majesty's 
plantations,  and  although  their  garrisons  in  many 
parts  are  hitherto  but  very  inconsiderable,  yet  as  they 
have,  by  the  means  of  their  missionaries,  debauched 
several  of  the  Indian  nations  to  their  interest,  your 
Majesty's  subjects  along  the  continent  have  the  ut- 
most danger  to  apprehend  from  the  new  settlement 
(on  the  Mississippi),  unless  timely  care  be  taken  to 
prevent  their  increase." 

At  the  same  time  they  concede  the  discovery  of  the 
inland  communication  between  Canada  and  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  to  French  enterprise,  but  consider  it  a  "  very 
late  discovery,"  fifty  years  after  it  had  been  made,  and 
in  the  succeeding  parr^aphs  of  their  memorial  they 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  V,  620. 

10 


74 


The  Ohio   Valley 


describe  the  routes  taken  by  the  French,  as  if  they 
had  only  just  heard  of  them.  But  had  this  matter  of 
discovering  new  countries,  they  think,  been  sooner 
considered,  then  undoubtedly  the  English  colonists 
would  have  been  the  first  to  make  them,  for  the  British 
colonies  are  so  much  more  convenient  to  the  lakes 
than  Canada.  One  such  attempt  to  discover  new 
territory,  that  of  General  Wood  of  Virginia,  in  1671, 
has  already  been  mentioned ;  Governor  Spotswood, 
also  of  Virginia,  sent  another  equally  unsuccessful 
exploring  expedition  to  the  west  in  1710,*  and 
started  in  person  with  a  large  retinue  in  1716  "  over 
the  great  mountains,  to  satisfy  myself  whether  it 
was  practicable  to  come  at  the  lakes.  Having  on 
that  occasion  found  an  easy  passage  over  that  great 
ridge  of  mountains,  which  were  before  judged  impas- 
sable, I  also  discovered  by  the  relation  of  Indians, 
who  frequent  those  parts,  that  from  the  pass,  where 
I  was,  it  is  but  three  days'  march  to  a  great  Nation  of 
Indians  living  on  a  river,  which  discharges  itself  in 
the  Lake  Erie."t  Which  great  river  Governor 
Spotswood  can  mean,  we  must  leave  to  the  inter- 
preter of  English  geography  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
He  calls  it  thr  River  Mic,  three  miles  from  the  River 
Occabacke,  going  into  the  Mississippi.  Neither  of 
these  names  appear  on  any  map,  and  though  it  may 
be  thought,  that  Occabacke  stands  for  Ouabache, 
Governor  Spotswood   certainly  did  not  get  within 

*  Spotswood  Letters,  I,  42. 
+  lb.,  II,  295. 


billAlilnll 


f /«  Colonial  Days.  '  75 

three  [days'  march  of  the  head-waters  of  the  Ohio. 
Thus  much  for  Colonial  British  enterprise  in  dis- 
covering new  territory.  He  advises  a  settlement  on 
Lake  Erie  in  order  to  entitle  the  English  to  a  right 
of  possession,  for  the  French  could  not  dispute  such 
a  title  which  the  law  of  nations  gives  to  the  first  oc- 
cupant. It  is  evident  the  law  of  nations  had  a  hard 
time  of  it  among  English  statesmen  of  the  last  cen- 
tuty. 

Before  Governor  Spotswood  had  recommended  this 
simple  way  of  obtaining  possession  of  a  new  coun- 
try, the  English  seem  to  have  adopted  this  plan,  for 
already  in  1715  Father  Louis  Marie  de  Ville,  mis- 
sionary among  the  Peorias,  and  Sieur  de  Vincenne, 
a  trader  among  the  western  Indians,  write,  that 
the  English  of  Carolina  have  recourse  to  every  expe- 
dient to  attract  the  southern  Indians  by  means  of 
the  Iroquois;  and  Sieur  Bezon,  a  French  official,  re- 
ports, that  Father  Jacques  Marmet,  missionary  at 
Kaskaskias,  Illinois,  tells  about  the  encroachments  of 
the  English  in  the  Rivers  Ouabache  and  Mississippi, 
where  they  are  building  three  forts.* 

A  few  years  after  the  peace  of  1713,  the  French 
saw  again  how  necessary  for  their  plans  the  close 
friendship  of  the  Iroquois  was.  This  was  the  only 
nation  of  Indians,  where  they  never  had  been  able 
to  obtain,  through  their  courtly  manners  and  cajo- 
leries, the  footing,  which  first  the  Dutch,  and  later 
the  English  had  had,  notwithstanding  their  somewhat 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  931. 


<vi 


76 


The  Ohio   Valley 


boorish  and  bluff  bearing.  The  Iroquois  were  them- 
selves too  much  a  people  of  the  rough  warrior  type 
to  appreciate  smoothness  of  manners  and,  besides, 
had  other  reasons  for  disliking  the  French.  The  lat- 
ter, nevertheless,  managed  to  procure  the  Senecas' 
permission,  in  171 7,  to  build  a  trading-house  at  Iron- 
dequat,*  on  the  New  York  side  of  Lake  Ontario,  and 
a  fort,  called  Fort  des  Sables,  from  which  places 
they  supplied  the  New  York  Indians  with  powder  and 
lead  for  their  war  against  the  Flatheads  (Cherokees) 
and  thereby  obtained  a  large  quantity  of  peltry,  in- 
tended for  the  English  market.  They  appear  to 
have  soon  discovered  that  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  did 
not  allow  them  such  an  usurpation,  for  the  treaty 
made  by  New  York  with  the  Five  Nations,  in  1701, 
placed  this  locality  under  English  protection,  and  in 
1720,  before  the  treaty  of  1726  had  confirmed  the 
one  of  1 70 1,  the  Indians  acknowledged,  at  a  confer- 
ence with  the  Governor  of  New  York,  that  they  had 
given  this  place,  as  well  as  Trongsaroende  (Detroit), 
Onjagera  (Niagara)  and  all  other  hunting  places,  to 
the  Crown  of  England,  to  be  held  for  them  and  their 
posterity,  lest  others  might  encroach  upon  them. 
The  municipal  officers  of  Albany,  N.  Y.,  all  more  or 
less  directly  interested  in  active  Indian  trade,  saw  now 
an  opportunity  to  revive  the  trade,  which  had  given 
to  their  city  such  an  important  place  among  the  com- 

*  Known  by  the  names  of  Caniaterundequat,  Gannigatarontaquat,  Oniada- 
rondaquatt,  Orondokott,  Terondoquatt,  Tiorondequot,  and  sixteen  others, 
see  Index  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc. 


In  Colonial  Days.  "Jl 

mercial  centres  of  the  day.  They  urged,  that  New 
York  Colony  should  now  build  a  fort  at  Tieronde- 
quat,  and  another  at  Oniagara,  to  keep  the  Five  Na- 
tions stei:dy  in  the  British  interest,  and  to  clear  the 
path  for  the  mor^  remote  nations,  from  whom  more 
peltries  were  now  obtained,  than  from  the  Iroquois, 
whose  hunting  grounds  in  New  York  had  become 
depleted  of  fur-bearing  animals.  The  Assembly  of 
New  York  readily  understood  the  urgency  of  the 
case,  and  at  their  next  session  made  an  appropriation 
of  ;^500  ($1,250)  for  securing  the  Indians  in  the 
English  interest,  which  Governor  Burnet  devoted 
chiefly  to  erect  buildings,  and  make  a  settlement  at 
Tierondequat ;  he  garrisoned  this  place  by  consent 
of  the  Indians  with  a  company  of  ten  men.  New 
York  statesmen  had  become  fully  alive  to  the  im- 
portance of  doing  something  for  the  trade  of  their 
constituents,  probably  because  their  own  pockets 
suffered  by  the  general  depression.  In  the  year 
before  granting  the  above-quoted  small  sum  they  had 
passed  a  law,  to  prohibit  trading  with  the  French  in 
Indian  goods,  for  which  Albany  too  had  been  a 
famous  place  and  which  were  readily  purchased  by  the 
French,  because  with  goods  bought  in  the  English 
provinces,  they  could  supply  the  Far  Nations  at  easier 
terms,  than  with  Quebec  importations.  But  by  so 
doing  they  saved  to  these  Far  Nations  the  long 
marches  to  Albany,  and  no  peltries  consequently 
came  to  New  York  for  the  European  trade.  This 
trade  with  the  French  had  assumed  such  dimensions, 


78 


The  Ohio   Valley 


;l 


\y\ 


i! 


that  the  Indians  would  reproach  New  York  with  it 
saying,  the  French  were  building  their  forts  with  New 
York  goods.  Cadwallader  Golden,*  in  his  Memoir 
on  the  Fur  Trade,  dated  November,  1 724,+  says  about 
this  commercial  intercourse  with  Canada  :  "In  the 
time  of  the  last  war  the  clandestine  trade  to  Montreal 
began  to  be  carried  on  by  the  Indians  from  Albany 
to  Montreal.  This  gave  rise  to  the  Konuaga  (Cana- 
wagha)  or  praying  Indians, J  who  are  entirely  made 
up  of  deserters  from  the  Mohawks  and  River  Indians 
and  were  either  enticed  by  the  French  priests  or  by 
our  merchants  in  order  to  carry  goods  from  Albany 
to  Montreal,  or  run  away  from  some  mischief  done 
here  ....  They  depend  chiefly  upon  this 
private  trade  for  their  subsistence  ;  these  Indians  in 
time  of  war  gave  the  French  intelligence  of  all  designs 
here  against  them.  By  them  likewise  the  French 
engaged  our  Five  Nations  in  a  war  with  the  Indians 
friends  of  Virginia,  and  from  them  we  might  expect 
the  greatest  mischief  in  time  of  war,  seeing  every  part 
of  the  Province  is  as  well  known  to  them  as  to  any 
of  the  inhabitants.  But  if  this  trade  were  entirely  at 
an  end,  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  these  Indians 
would  return  to  their  own  tribes,  for  they  then  could 
not  long  subsist  where  they  now  are." 

We  see  that  the  above-mentioned  act  of  1721  to 
prohibit  the  trade  in  Indian  goods  with  the  French 
was  to  serve  two  purposes,  but  according  to  Golden 

*  Surveyor-General,  later  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  York. 

f  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  V,  732. 

X  Still  living  in  their  descendants  at  the  place  indicated  above. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


79 


it  had  not  yet  quite  stopped  this  now  illegal  trade  in 
1724,  and  the  Caghnawaga  Indians  steering  the 
steamers  through  the  La  Chine  rapids  above  Mon- 
treal are  still  an  interesting  side  show  for  the  traveler 
on  the  St.  Lawrence. 

The  English  trading  house  at  Irondequat  appa- 
rently did  not  produce  the  effect  expected  from  it,  for 
in  May,  1725,  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of 
Canada,  was  startled  by  the  report,  that  the  English 
had  projected  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Choueguen  (Onondaga  or  Oswego)  river,  on  the 
banks  of  Lake  Ontario  and  inconveniently  near  the 
F'rench  post  at  Niagara.  He  and  his  advisers  had 
always  considered  this  part  of  New  York  as  belong- 
ing to  their  King,*  and  they  clearly  understood  the 
difficulty  of  preserving  Niagara,  the  loss  of  which 
would  render  a  trade  with  the  Far  Indians  an  impos- 
sibility. Various  efforts  were  made  by  the  French 
to  prevent  this  as  yet  only  projected  fort  at  Choue- 
guen, but  the  only  satisfaction  which  they  could 
obtain  was,  that  the  Senecas  would  not  allow  them 
to  build  a  fort  at  Niagara  or  anywhere  else  on  their 
land,t  and  in  1727,  Governor  Burnet  of  New  York  was 
in  the  position  to  report,  J  that  he  had  sent  workmen, 
to  build  a  stone  house  of  strength  at  a  place  called 
Oswego,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Or  ondaga  river.  He 
thought  the  French  could  have  no  just  pretense  of 
preventing  it,  but  their  lately  building  a  fort  at  Nia- 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  949. 
t  lb..  V,  787. 
X  lb.,  V,  818. 


■^' 


) 


III 


80 


The  Ohio   Valley 


gara,  contrary  to  the  last  treaty,  had  cautioned  him 
to  be  on  his  guard  against  attacks  from  them.  The 
pen,  which  is  so  often  called  mightier  than  the  sword, 
was  in  this  case  also  slower,  for  the  diplomatists  of 
neither  nation  had  as  yet  given  satisfactory  explana- 
tions of  the  boundaries,  as  fixed  by  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht.  Burnet  claimed,  that  it  did  not  allow  the 
French  to  build  a  fort  at  Niagara,  and  Beauharnois, 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  looked  upon  the  settlement 
at  Oswego  as  a  manifest  infraction  of  the  same 
treaty.*  Nevertheless  both  were  built  and  the  two 
rival  nationalities  made  a  step  nearer  to  the  point, 
where  of  necessity  they  must  converge  with  clashing 
interests. 

The  staunch  friendship,  which  had  hitherto  united 
the  Iroquois  to  the  British  interest,  prevented  the 
breaking  out  of  the  conflict  at  this  time.  Urged  by 
Lieutenant-Governor  Clarke  of  New  York  at  a  con- 
ference in  July,  I'j^il^  they  agreed  not  to  allow  the 
French  to  build  a  fort  at  I  rondequat,t  but  neither  could 
he  obtain  th?t  permission  for  the  English.  Writing 
about  it  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  in  February,  1 738,1 
he  draws  a  rather  dark  picture  of  the  situation  :  "  If 
I  fail  in  the  attempt  to  obtain  leave  from  the  Six 
Nations  to  build  a  houje  at  Tierondequat,  and  if  the 
French  succeed  in  getting  it,  then  adieu  to  Oswego 
and  all  our  fur  trade,  for  Tierondequat  will  cut  off 
entirely  our  westv^rn  fur  trade,  and  what  the  conse- 

*N.    :.  Col.  Hist.,  V.  827. 
t  lb.,  VI,  107. 
tib.,  VI,  112. 


\v\ 


I  i 


In  Colonial  Days. 


8i 


quences  will  be  to  England  your  Lordships  well 
know,  nor  is  the  loss  of  our  trade  all  that  we  are  to 
apprehend,  for  .vlth  it  we  shall  lose  the  Six  Nations. 
It  is  with  much  difficulty  and  at  a  great  annual 
expense  to  this  Province  in  time  of  peace,  without 
any  assistance  from  our  neighbors,  that  we  have  and 
now  still  retain  the  fidelity  of  the  Six  Nations,  who 
with  us  in  time  of  a  French  war  are  the  only  barrier 
to  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia 
and  Carolina." 

Negotiations  for  the  permission  to  build  a  fort  at 
Irondequat  continued  to  1738,  the  Assembly  of 
New  York  appropriated  ;^ioo  ($2^0)  for  the  pur- 
chase of  ground,  required  for  it,  and  at  last  Governor 
Clarke  obtained  a  deed  from  the  Iroquois  in  1741. 
The  fort,  however,  was  never  built,  as  fear  of  a 
French  war  prevented  a  settlement ;  for  as  the  human 
body,  affected  by  rheumatism,  feels  in  advance  a 
coming  rainstorm,  so  has  the  body  politic  a  forebod- 
ing of  a  disturbance  in  the  circulation  of  its  commer- 
cial and  agricultural  veins.  Three  years  after  Tene- 
hokaiwee,  Tewassajes  and  Staghreche,  the  principal 
Sachems  of  the  Senecas,  had  signed  the  deed  for  the 
transfer  to  the  English  of  Irondequat  and  surround- 
ing country,  twenty  miles  along  the  lake  and  thirty 
miles  to  the  south  of  it,*  King  George's  war  filled 
the  minds  of  the  English  colonists  with  other 
thoughts  than  those  of  settling  in  the  far  Indian 
country. 


*N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  Indian  Treaties. 


II 


-ti'AjJ.i 


82 


■  111: 


..'■>'< 


The  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days. 


The  boundaries  between  the  French  and  English 
possessions  on  this  continent  had  not  yet  been  fixed 
thirty  years  after  the  Utrecht  Treaty  had  provided 
h?t  >t  should  be  done.     The  English  based  their 
titles  to  land  principally  upon  the  purchases  from 
the  Indians,  and  on  this  principle  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  commissioners  from  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  acquired  at  the  Indian  treaty  of  Lancaster 
m  1744,  "all  the  territory  which  is  or  may  be  within 
the  limits  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  according  to  his 
Majesty  s   order."      The   French   looked  upon   this 
purchase  with  unqualified  distrust  and  resented  this 
invasion  of  what  they  claimed  as  their  territory,  by  a 
declaration  of  war  in  March,  1744,  which  waged  until 
1 74«,  but  left  the  lake  country  again  undisturbed 


'liili 


!)Hi 


m 


PI'I' 


ill 


CHAPTER   V. 


THE  CONTEST    BETWEEN  THE  TEUTONIC  AND  THE  LATIN 
RACES  TRANSFERRED  TO  THE  OHIO  VALLEY. 

From  Champlain  to  Montcalm  the  French,  by 
diplomacy  and  religion,  by  threats  and  by  flatteries, 
and  by  all  the  resources  of  Gallic  wit,  address  and 
force,  had  endeavored  to  gain  over  the  Iroquois  to 
their  king  and  cause  ;  but  ever  loyal  to  the  covenant, 
made  in  early  colonial  days,  with  the  Dutch  at 
Albany  and  confirmed  upon  the  surrender  of  New 
Netherland  to  the  English,  they  adhered  to  the  Teu- 
tonic race.  They  stood  as  a  stone  wall,  a  break- 
water, keeping  off  the  storm  and  tide  of  French 
aggression  and  assisted  the  English  colonies,  who 
nourished  the  Indians'  strength  to  win  from  the 
Gaul  and  from  Latin  ideas  of  civilization,  what  are 
now  some  of  the  most  important  States  of  the 
Union. 

Oswego  was  soon  ii'  a  position  to  threaten  the 
French  trade  at  Niagara  with  complete  annihilation. 
The  following  report,  made  by  the  Commissary  at 
Oswego  in  1 749,  tells  us,  that  nearly  one-third  of  the 
Indians,  intending  to  come  to  Oswego,  had  been 
intercepted  and  forcibly  detained  at   Niagara,   and 


84 


The  Ohio   Valley 


mw.M 


yet  the  number  of   those  who  reached  Oswego   is 
considerable. 


Names  of  each  Nation. 


Wayactenacks 

Potawimmies 

Miamis 

Missassagas 

Monomunies 

Michilimackimaks 

Oroonducks 

Shepawees 

Cocknawagas  and  Shoenidies  . . . . 
French  Traders 


(A  • 

u  c 

o  o 

S  - 

0)  rt 


3  o 


39 

20 
II 

25 
lO 

9 
I 

32 

43 
3 


^93 


o 

lU 


o 


318 

160 

88 

200 

80 

72 

8 

256 

344 


in 
M 
u 
c4 

Oh 
u 

9 


o 


1,562 


293 
140 

77 

175 
70 

63 

7 
224 

301 
35 


1,385 


He  computes  the  value  of  each  pack  at  £1^,  which 
gives  for  the  whole  number  of  packs  from  the  Far 
Nations,  1,349,  the  amount  of  ;^i8,886,*  or  $47,215, 
as  probably  pounds,  New  York  currency,  are  given. 

The  French,  having  discovered,  how  futile  their 
attempts  were  to  break  the  covenant  chain  between 
Corlear,  or  rather  Quidor,  and  the  Iroquois,  and  see- 
ing that  the  fort  at  Oswego  not  only  interfered  with 
their  trade  at,  but  also  threatened  the  very  existence 
of  Niagara,  tried  to  counteract  this  injurious  effect 
by  establishments  at  Presqu'ile  (now  Erie,  Penna.), 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VI,  538. 


In  Colonial  Days.  85 

French  creek,*  and  Venango,  which  appear  as  mili- 
tary posts  on  d'Anville's  map  of  "  Amerique  Septen- 
trionale  "  in  1 746,  and  thus  entered  the  valley  of  the 
Ohio  with  territorial  and  no  longer  purely  commer- 
cial intentions.  To  this  end  the  Marquis  de  la  Galis- 
soniere.  Governor  of  Canada,  sent  in  1749,  Captain 
Bienville  de  Celoron  to  take  once  more  possession  of 
the  Ohio  country  for  the  King  of  France.  His  letter 
to  Governor  Hamilton  of  Pennsylvania,  dated 
"  From  our  Camp  on  the  Beautiful  River,  at  an  old 
Shawnee  Village,"  shows,  that  the  act  was  to  be  un- 
derstood not  as  a  mere  formality,  for  he  came  with 
troops  and  drove  out  all  the  English  traders  in  the 
country.  "  We,  Celoron,  Captain,  Knight  of  the 
Military  Order  of  St.  Louis,"  said  he,f  **  commanding 
a  detachment  sent  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Galissoni^re, 
Governor-in-chief  of  New  France,  have  on  the  banks 
of  the  Beautiful  River  summoned  the  Englishmen, 
whom  we  have  found  in  an  Indian  town,  situate  on 
the  bank  of  the  Beautiful  River,  to  retire  with  all 
their  effects  and  baggage  to  New  England  on  pain 
of  being  treated  as  interlopers  and  rebels  in  case  of 
refusal ;  to  which  summons  they  have  answered,  that 
they  were  going  to  start  for  Philadelphia,  their  coun- 
try, with  all  their  effects." 

The  Indians  on  the  Ohio  were  told  by  him,  that 
the  French  were  again  coming  to  trade  with  them 
a/id  that  he  was  going  with  his  soldiers  to  chastise 

*  Riviere  aux  Boeufs  of  old  maps. 

f  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VI,  132;  Penn.  Col.  Records,  V,  425. 


86 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  Twightwees  and  Wyandots  for  trading  with  the 
English.  The  Indians  were  not  pleased  with  this 
announcement.  They  declared,  that  the  land  was 
their  own  and  that  while  there  were  any  Indians  in 
those  parts,  they  would  trade  with  their  brothers,  the 
English.  The  threat  of  whipping  the  Twightwees 
was  considered  by  them  as  a  jest*  Celoron,  how- 
ever, left  a  memorial  of  his  visit  and  of  his  act  of  tak- 
ing possession  all  along  his  route  down  the  Ohio,  in 
the  shape  of  leaden  plates,  of  which  several  are  still 
in  existence.f 

Mr.  Charles  P.  Keith,  of  Philadelphia,  tells,  in  an 
article  on  Sir  William  Keith, J  of  the  first  project,  to 
make  the  newly-discovered  country  of  use  to  the 
English.     He  says: 

"  Chief  Justice  Marshall's  '  Life  of  Washington,' 
attributes  to  Sir  William  Keith  the  conception  of 
the  project  of  taxing  America  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment. It  was  suggested  by  him  some  time  before 
the  Spanish  War,  as  the  means  of  providing  for  the 
common  defense  of  the  Colonies,  and  as  such  it  was 
urged  by  a  company  having  interests  there,  or  a 
*  Club  of  Americn  Merchants,'  of  which  he  was  a 
member,  probably  the  Ohio  Company.  The  propo- 
sition, as  embodied  in  the  two  papers  on  the  sub- 
ject, emanating  from  this  source,  and  supposed  to 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VI,  533. 

f  Fac-similes  are  given  in  the  Pennsylvania  Archives,  2d  series,  VI,  80  ; 

see,  also,  for  accounts  of  them,  Parkman's  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  I,  62,  and 

Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  95. 

|Penn.  Mag.  of  History  and  Biography,  April,  1888. 


In  Colonial  Days,  87 

have  been  written  by  him,  was  to  raise  and  maintain 
a  military  force  for  the  protection  of  the  British  col- 
onies, and  to  establish  a  general  council  of  their 
Governors  to  assist  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  to 
defray  the  expense  by  stamp  duties  similar  to  those 
in  England,  supposed  to  be  the  easiest  method  of 
taxation.  These  were  to  be  imposed  by  Parliament 
because  the  several  Assemblies  *  never  could  be 
brought  in  voluntarily  to  raise  such  a  Fund  by  any 
general  and  equally  proportioned  Tax  among  them- 
selves.' Coxe's  '  Memoirs  of  Sir  Robert  Walpole ' 
(page  753),  saying  that  soon  after  the  excise  scheme, 
which  failed  in  1733,  Sir  William  Keith,  'who  had 
been  deputy-governor  of  Virginia  {sic),  came  over 
with  a  plan  of  an  American  tax,'  then  relates,  on  the 
authority  of  Lord  Chancellor  Hardwicke,  that  Lord 
Chesterfield,  having  asked  Walpole  what  he  thought 
of  it,  Walpole  replied,  *  I  have  old  England  set 
against  me,  and  do  you  think  I  will  have  new  Eng- 
land likewise?'  Yet,  it  is  probable  that,  had  the 
plan  then  been  carried  into  execution,  with  as  popu- 
lar an  official  as  Sir  William  for  stamp-master,  which 
he  may  have  hoped  to  be,  it  would  not  have  had  the 
same  consequences  as  a  quarter  of  a  century  later, 
when  the  Colonies  had  become  more  powerful  and 
more  warlike,  and  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  were  to  go 
into  the  British  treasury.  Years  after  the  death  of 
the  subject  of  this  sketch  some  of  his  ideas  were 
acted  upon  by  the  British  government,  and  the  two 
papers  were  reprinted  for  its  vindication  as  the  senti- 


88 


The  Ohio   Valley 


m 


'i'li'  !; 


l!HlMi&'i^    ii 


!.,! 


ijii  !■  ;:i' 


■:?" 


ments  'of  the  greatest  friends  to  America.'  In  let- 
ters to  John  Adams,  written  in  1813,  Thomas  Mc- 
Kean  says,  'The  Congress  at  Albany  in  1754  .  .  . 
was  ...  in  reality  to  propose  the  least  offensive 
plan  for  raising  a  revenue  in  America.  In  1739,  Sir 
William  Keith,  a  Scotch  gentleman,  who  had  been  a 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  proposed  such 
an  assembly  to  the  ministry.  He  also  proposed  the 
extension  of  the  British  stamp  duties  to  the  Colonies. 
He  was  then,  I  believe,  in  the  Fleet  prison.  The 
hints  he  gave  were  embraced,  the  first  in  1 754,  the 
second  in  1764.'  (Works  of  John  Adams,  vol.  X,  p. 
'Jl,  edit.  1856.)  'The  anecdote  of  Sir  William 
Keith's  proposal  to  the  British  ministry  is  to  be 
found  in  the  latter  end  of  the  first  volume  of  Ameri- 
can tracts,  printed  by  J.  Almon,  in  London,  1767. 
It  had  been  published  in  London  in  1739,  ^^^^  ^^ 
titled  'A  proposal  for  establishing  by  act  of  Parlia- 
ment the  duties  upon  stamped  paper  and  parchment 
in  all  the  British  Colonies.'  Part  of  the  anecdote  I 
had  by  tradition,  and  in  a  novel,  '  Peregrine  Pickle.' 
(Ibid.,  p.  80.)  " 

About  this  time*  John  Hanbury,  a  Quaker  mer- 
chant of  London,  Thomas  Lee  of  the  Virginia  Coun- 
cil, Lawrence  and  Augustus  Washington,  brothers 
of  George,  and  others,  obtained  from  the  Crown  a 
grant  of  5oo,cxdo  acres  of  land  in  the  present  Jeffer- 
son and  Columbiana  counties  of  Ohio,  and  Brooke 
county  of  West  Virginia.     The  principal  object  of 

*  See  Appendix  D. 


1 


!ii! 


In  Colo7ttal  Days.  89 

this  company,  called  the  Ohio  Company,  was  trade 
with  the  Indians,  for  we  may  call  the  plans  of 
colonizing  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghany  moun- 
tains an  after-thought,  although  their  patent  de- 
manded, that  200,000  acres  of  the  grant  should  be 
settled  within  a  few  years.  The  troubles  with  the 
French  and  the  Indians  suspended  the  operations  of 
the  company  until  the  close  of  the  war.  Intrigues, 
started  by  counteracting  interests,  caused  an  unau- 
thorized merger  of  the  Ohio  Company  into  the  Wal- 
pole  or  Grand  Company,  and  while  the  shareholders 
of  the  former  were  still  protesting  against  this  action 
of  their  London  agent,  the  War  of  the  Revolution 
broke  out  and  put  out  of  existence  both  companies.* 
This  started  the  "  boom,"  to  use  a  modern  expres- 
sion, for  western  lands.  The  Governor  and  Council 
of  Virginia  granted,  July  12,  1749,  leave  to  John 
Lewis,  Thomas  Walker  and  others,  to  take  up  and 
survey  800,000  acres,  in  one  or  more  surveys,  begin- 
ning on  the  boundary  line  between  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina,  and  running  west  and  north.  This  "  Loyal 
Company  "  was  also  prevented  by  the  events  of  the 
succeeding  years  from  carrying  out  the  necessary 
surveys,  and  obtained  in  June,  1753,  an  order  extend- 
ing the  time  for  a  return  of  surveys.  They  could 
now  begin  operations  and  actually  sold  several  par- 
cels of  100  acres  at  £2>'  War  again  interfered  in 
1 754,  and  when  in  1 763  the  company  petitioned  for  a 
renewal  and  confirmation  of  their  grant,  the  authori- 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  17. 
12 


T^ 


90 


The  Ohio   Valley 


ties  of  Virginia  were  of  opinion,  that  the  King's  in- 
structions restrained  them  from  granting  such  renewal. 

One  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  on  Green- 
briar  river,*  north-west  and  west  of  the  "  Cow-Pas- 
ture "  and  Newfoundland  were  granted  to  the  Green- 
briar  Company,  October  29,  i75i.t  Their  opera- 
tions were  likewise  brought  to  a  standstill  in  1754, 
by  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  after  they  had  already 
succeeded  in  selling  several  tracts  of  land.  The  royal 
proclamation  of  December  16,  1763,  prohibiting  the 
settlement  or  grant  of  any  lands  on  the  western 
waters,  suspended  the  undertaking  until  1773,  when 
the  Governor  and  Council  of  Virginia,  considering 
the  grant  to  the  company  still  in  force,  allowed  the 
surveys  and  settlements  to  be  resumed. 

The  French  looked  with  jealousy  upon  this  new 
English  interpretation  of  the  international  maxim  of 
premier  seisin,  that  first  discovery,  even  without  oc- 
cupation, should  establish  title.  The  remarkable 
claim,  that  Englishmen  from  Connecticut  had  dis- 
covered the  Ohio  valley,J  had  not  yet  been  made 
public,  but  we  see  that  the  English  authorities  dis- 
posed of  lands  there  without  hesitation.  French 
travelers  had  called  the  attention  of  their  govern- 
ment and  countrymen  long  ago  to  the  importance  of 
the  greatwater-way  which  facilitated  the  communi- 
cation between  Canada  and   Louisiana.§     "  A  free 

*A  tributary  of  the  Great  Kanawha. 

f  Call,  Virginia  Reports,  IV,  21  et  seq. 

X  See  Appendix  C. 

§  Charlevoix,  VI,  157.  ; 


In  Colo7iial  Days,  91 

and  certain  passage,"  says  Governor  de  la  Gallison- 
niere  of  Canada  in  a  Memoir  of  December,  1750,* 
"  from  Canada  to  the  Mississippi,  is  an  absolute  neces- 
sity. This  chain  once  broken  would  leave  an  open- 
ing, of  which  the  English  would  doubtless  take  ad- 
vantage, to  get  nearer  to  the  silver  mines.  *  *  *  * 
The  Governors  of  Canada  have  been  deterred  from 
making  settlements  there,  fearing  contraband  trade 
between  French  traders  and  the  English.  Neither 
have  the  English  any  posts  there,  nor  did  they  come 
to  trade,  except  clandestinely,  until  the  last  war,  when 
the  revolt  of  some  neighboring  nations  against  the 
French  encouraged  them  to  come  more  boldly.  They 
have  been  summoned  since  the  peace,  to  retire,  and 
if  they  do  not  do  so,  force  must  be  used,  otherwise 
the  case  would  be  the  same  as  at  Chouegen,f  and 
that  would  be  still  more  disastrous;  for  a  post  on  the 
Ohio  would  possess  more  opportunities  to  do  dam- 
age than  Chouegen  alone. 

1.  They  would  have  much  greater  opportunities 
there  than  at  Chouegen,  to  seduce  the  Indian  nations. 

2.  They  would  possess  more  facilities  to  interrupt 
the  communication  between  Canada  and  Louisiana, 
for  the  Beautiful  river  affords  almost  the  only  route 
for  the  conveyance  from  Canada  to  the  River  Missis- 
sippi of  detachments  capable  of  securing  that  still 
feeble  Colony  against  the  incursions  of  the  neighbor- 
ing Carolina  Indians,  whom  the  English  are  un- 
ceasingly exciting  against  the  French. 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist,  X,  229. 
\  Oswego,  N.  Y. 


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92  The  Ohio  Valley 

3.  If  the  English  ever  become  strong  enough  in 
America  to  dare  attempt  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  it 
will  be  by  this  Beautiful  river,  which  they  must  ne- 
cessarily descend." 

The  English  did  not  dare  to  take  immediate  pos- 
session of  the  Ohio  country,  although  as  yet  only  few 
French  troops  were  there  to  defend  it,  and  did  not 
move  at  all,  notwithstanding  they  received  warnings 
from  different  sources.  Captain  Marshall,  command- 
ing at  Albany,  received  notice  in  1749,  and  trans- 
mitted it  to  his  superiors,  that  an  army  of  nearly 
1,000  Frenchmen  were  moving  toward  the  Ohio, 
in  order  to  prevent  the  English  from  settling  there.* 
Almost  a  year  later,  April,  1750,  Sir  William  Johnson 
writes  :  *'  The  French  have  had  ever  since  the  peace 
officers  and  interpreters  with  great  quantities  of  goods 
for  presents  to  all  the  foreign  nations,  but  much  more 
at  the  settlements  of  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  than  any- 
where else."t  Even  the  warning  given  a  few  weeks 
later,  that  the  French  have  made  an  alliance  with 
western  tribes  and  intend  to  destroy  the  Indians  on 
the  Ohio,  who  are  in  the  British  interest,  J  had  no 
effect  upon  either  New  York  or  Pennsylvania,  the 
Colonies  most  affected  by  such  a  move.  Governor 
Clinton  of  New  York  thought  it  prudent  to  send  the 
Indians,  adherents  of  the  English,  some  powder  to 
defend  themselves,  but  the  Council  would  not  hear  of 
it  and  nothing  was  done.    The  home  government  was 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  Council  Minutes,  XXI.  354. 

t  lb.  375. 

X  lb.  380.  


m\ 


In  Colonial  Days. 

equally  inactive  and  paid  no  or  very  little  attention 
to  Governor  Clinton's  letter  of  the  ist  of  October, 
1 751,  in  which  he  said  :  "If  the  French  go  on  in  this 
manner  without  obstruction  or  any  thing  done  on  our 
part,  to  secure  us  and  the  Indians  in  friendship  with 
us,  the  French  in  a  little  time  must  obtain  an  abso- 
lute influence  over  all  the  Indian  nations  on  the  Con- 
tinent; and  a  vessel  of  such  force  [as  the  French 
were  said  to  be  building  on  Lake  Ontario]  will  be 
sufficient  to  dispossess  us  of  Oswego."*  Charles 
Townshend,  one  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions, was  a  better  statesman  than  his  colleagues,  but 
he  could  not  induce  them  to  advocate  in  Council  his 
plan  of  aggressive  measures  in  taking  possession  of 
the  Ohio  region  by  force. 

The  French  were  not  so  dilatory.  They  sent  one 
of  their  most  astute  Indian  agents,  Chabert  de  Jon- 
caire,  to  the  Ohio  in  1 750,  to  build  a  house  at  the 
carrying  place  between  Lake  Erie  and  the  Ohio, 
where  all  western  Indians  should  be  supplied  with 
whatever  goods  they  might  need,  and  thus  be  saved 
the  long  journey  to  Oswego. f  In  the  following  year 
four  English  traders  were  taken  prisoners  by  the 
French  for  trading  on  the  Ohio  contrary  to  an  ordi- 
nance of  the  Governor  of  Canada,  although  it  was 
claimed,  on  the  English  side,  the  country  belonged  to 
the  Six  Nations  and  Twightwees,  allied  to  the  Eng- 
lish by  a  covenant  chain  for  a  long  time  past.  J    There 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VI,  538.  "  ~  ~ 

t  lb.  609. 

i  lb.  735.  .   .. 


I 

III 


94  The  Ohio   Valley 

was  some  talk  of  reprisals,  but  competent  authorities 
declared  it  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  nations,  while 
peace  reigned  between  the  two  rival  nations.* 

In  the  same  year  George  Croghan,  Indian  agent, 
and,  through  many  years  of  trading  among  the  In- 
dians, well  acquainted  with  the  territory  and  its  condi- 
tions, was  sent  by  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  to 
the  Ohio,  with  presents  for  the  Indians.  In  one  of 
the  speeches  which  he  proposed  to  make,  but  had  to 
submit  to  the  Governor  for  approval  before  starting 
out  on  his  journey,  it  was  "  strongly  expressed  "  that 
Pennsylvania  should  build  a  fort  on  the  Ohio  for  the 
protection  of  the  Indian  trade  from  insults  and  injuries 
III  by  the  French.     The  Governor  did  not  approve  of 

it  and  ordered  Croghan  first  to  sound  the  Indians  on 
this  subject.  Scaroyadi,  the  Half  King,  and  his 
friends  and  advisers  in  the  tribe,  were  willing  to  have 
such  a  representation  of  English  protection  in  their 
country  and  had  wished  for  it  ever  since  Celoron's 
expedition  in  1749,  when  the  proceedings  of  the 
French  did  not  all  meet  favor  in  the  Indian  eyes. 
They  designated  the  forks  of  the  Monongahela  as 
the  best  place  for  such  an  establishment.  However, 
when  Croghan  reported  the  result  of  his  negotia- 
tions, the  government  of  Pennsylvania  did  not 
approve,  and  again  nothing  was  done,  because  it  was 
thought  the  Six  Nations  would  not  allow  the  erec- 
tion of  a  trading  house  at  the  indicated  place, 
although  Scaroyadi  had  been  able  to  tell  Croghan, 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  17. 


In  Colonial  Days.  95 

that  such  an  establishment  had  been  agreed  upon  by 
his  tribe  and  the  Long  House  at  Onondaga,  that  is 
the  Supreme  Council  of  the  Iroquois.* 

The  Council  of  Virginia  was  of  all  the  English 
authorities  on  the  Continent  the  first  to  make  a  move, 
although  a  very  insignificant  one.  The  English  gov- 
ernment had  sent  over  a  present  to  be  made  to  the  Six 
Nations,  and  the  Council  advised  Governor  Dinwiddle 
to  deliver  it  with  all  due  ceremony,  expecting  to  make 
a  favorable  impression  on  the  natives.t  Commis- 
sioners were  appointed  to  meet  the  Indians  at 
Loggstown,  J  and  after  the  presents  had  been  handed 
over  and  evidently  approved  by  the  recipients,  the 
request  for  building  a  fort  in  the  same  place  as  des- 
ignated before,  was  renewed,  but,  says  Croghan,  to 
no  effect. 

Celoron's  report  of  what  he  had  seen  in  1 749  had 
in  the  meantime  worked  on  the  minds  of  his  country- 
men. They  understood  the  importance  of  securing 
a  foothold  at  the  junction  of  the  Ohio  and  Monon- 
gahela  so  well,  that  Governor  Dinwiddle  wrote  in 
February,  1 753,  with  some  alarm,  about  some  fifteen 
or  sixteen  Frenchmen,  arrived  at  Loggs  Town  and 
building  houses,  etc.,  there,  and  "that  it  is  to  be 
feared  they  will  take  possession  of  the  Ohio,  oppress 
our  trade  and  take  our  traders  prisoners,  etc.  We 
would   fain    hope    these    people   are   only    French 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  268-9. 
f  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  17. 
X  Near  Pittsburg,  Penna. 


96  The  Ohio   Valley 

traders,  and  they  have  no  other  view  but  trade."* 
This  trading^  post  at  Loggstown  was,  however,  only 
the  link,  stretched  out  farthest,  of  the  antenna, 
which  the  French  army  worm  threw  out  as  a  feeler. 
In  May,  1753,  the  commandant  at  Oswego  saw  thirty 
French  canoes,  part  of  an  army  going  to  Ohio,  pass 
his  post,  who  were  to  make  good  the  French  claim 
upon  that  region,  but  as  war  had  not  been  declared 
between  the  two  nations,  he  could  not  interfere,  even 
though  one  of  these  French  told  him,  that  M. 
Marin  was  coming  with  6,000  men  to  the  Ohio,  in 
order  to  settle  the  boundaries  between  his  nation 
and  the  English,  that  the  French  laid  claim  to  all 
lands  on  any  rivers  or  creeks  running  into  the  great 
lakes  ;  that  one  fort  was  to  be  built  at  Ka-sa-no-tia- 
yo-ga  (a  carrying  place),  another  at  Diontaroga. 
Five  hundred  Cochnawagas,  Scenondidies,  Onogan- 
gas,  Oroondoks  and  Chenundies  went  with  this 
French  detachment,  not  to  fight  the  English  but  to 
supply  the  French  with  the  results  of  their  chase,t 
and  thus  answer  Governor  Dinwiddie's  question  in 
the  above  quoted  letter,  of  how  the  French  would 
subsist  their  army  so  far  from  their  base  of  supply. 
The  Senecas,  Cayugas  and  Shawnees  looked  upon 
this  movement  of  the  French  with  distrust ;  they 
did  not  want  them  to  build  forts  on  the  Ohio,  upon 
which  they  looked  as  their  property,  J  and  notified 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  22. 

t  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS,  LXXVII,  87. 

ilb.  143. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


97 


the  Indian  Commissioners  of  New  York  that  they  had 
resolved  to  go  to  war  against  the  French,  and  desired 
the  co-operation  of  the  whole  of  their  confederacy. 
Of  the  thi  2e  English  Colonies,  whose  special  inter- 
est it  was  to  keep  the  French  out  of  the  Ohio  terri- 
tory, New  York  did  nothing,  while  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia  quarreled  about  the  boundary  line  to  the 
westward.  Governor  Dinwiddie  writes  to  Cresap 
and  Trent  in  February,  1 753*:  "  Till  the  line  between 
Pennsylvania  is  run  and  our  limits  ascertained,  I 
cannot  restrain  the  many  abuses  done  in  the  back- 
woods, as  by  the  last  treaty  at  the  Ohio.  The 
Indians  having  given  us  full  power  to  settle  all  the 
lands  this  side  of  the  Ohio,  I  conceive  that  the  treaty 
fully  establishes  the  British  right  to  those  lands,  there- 
fore some  method  must  be  found  out  to  dispossess 
the  French,  if  they  presume  to  oppose  our  settle- 
ments." In  the  following  year  he  commenced  build- 
ing a  fort,  where  now  stands  the  city  of  Pittsburgh, 
and  issued  the  following  proclamation  :       * 

Virginia,  ss. 

By  the  Hon.  Robert  Dinwiddie,  Esq ; 
His  Majesty's  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  Comman- 
der-in-Chief of  this  Dominion. 

A  PROCLAMATION, 

For  Encouraging  Men  to  enlist  in  His  Majesty's  Ser- 
vice for  the  Defence  and  Security  of  this  Colony. 
WHEREAS  it  is  determined  that  a  Fort  be  im- 


Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  22  and  23. 


13 


98 


The  Ohio   Valley 


mediately  built  on  the  River  Ohio,  at  the  Fork  of 
Monongahela,  to  oppose  any  further  Encroachments, 
or  hostile  Attempts  of  the  French,  and  the  Indians 
in  their  Interest,  and  for  the  Security  and  Protection 
of  his  Majesty's  Subjects  in  this  Colony ;  and  as  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  that  a  sufficient  Force  should 
be  raised  to  erect  and  support  the  same :  For  an 
Encouragement  to  all  who  shall  voluntarily  enter 
into  the  said  Service,  I  do  hereby  notify  and  promise, 
by  and  with  the  Advice  and  Consent  of  his  Majesty's 
Council  of  this  Colony,  that  over  and  above  their 
Pay,  Two  Hundred  Thousand  Acres,  of  his  Majestys 
the  King  of  Great  Britains  Lands,  on  the  East  Side 
of  the  River  Ohio,  within  this  Dominion,  (One 
Hundred  Thousand  Acres  whereof  to  be  contiguous 
to  the  said  Fort,  and  the  other  Hundred  Thousand 
Acres  to  be  on,  or  near  the  River  Ohio^  shall  be  laid 
off  and  granted  to  such  Persons,  who  by  their  volun- 
tary Engagement,  and  good  Behaviour  in  the  said 
Service,  shall  deserve  the  same.  And  I  further 
promise,  that  the  said  Lands  shall  be  divided 
amongst  them  immediately  after  the  Performance  of 
the  said  Service,  in  a  Proportion  due  to  their  respec- 
tive merit,  as  shall  be  represented  to  me  by  their 
Officers,  and  held  and  enjoyed  by  them  without  pay- 
ing any  Rights,  and  also  free  from  the  Payment  of 
Quit-rents,  for  the  Term  of  Fifteen  Years.  And  I 
do  appoint  this  Proclamation  to  be  read  and  published 
at  the  Court-Houses,  Churches  and  Chapels  in  each 


In  Colonial  Days.  99 

County  within  this  Colony,  and  that  the  Sheriffs  take 
Care  the  same  be  done  accordingly. 

Given  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Williamsburg, 
on  the  19th  Day  of  February,  in  the  27th  Year 
of   his   Majesty's    Reign,    Annoque    Domini, 

1754- 

ROBERT  DINWIDDIE. 

GOD  save  the  KING.* 
Governor  Hamilton  of  Pennsylvania  had  been  in- 
structed by  the  Proprietors  of  the  Province  to  assist 
Virginia  in  the  proposed  measures,  but  also  to  require 
an  acknowledgment,  that  the  projected  settlements 
should  not  be  continued  to  the  prejudice  of  the  rights 
of  Pennsylvania.  Governor  Dinwiddle,  however, 
was  more  alive  to  the  necessities  of  all  the  Colonies, 
than  Hamilton  and  preferred  security  of  the  British 
interest  on  the  Ohio  and  perhaps  on  the  whole  Con- 
tinent, to  additions  to  the  treasury  of  his  Province. 
He  therefore  agreed  that  the  quit-rents  for  the  lands 
to  be  granted  by  him,  might  be  collected  by  Penn- 
sylvania, until  the  dispute  was  settled  by  a  definitely 
established  boundary  line.  This  was  not  done  in 
English  times ;  the  war  of  the  Revolution  had  broken 
out,  before  in  1779  *^^  Commissioners  appointed  for 
that  purpose  agreed  upon  a  line  "  due  west  five  de- 
grees of  longitude,  completed  from  the  river  Dela- 
ware, for  the  southern  boundary  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
a  meridian  drawn  from  the  western  boundary  thereof 

♦  From  an  original  in  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LXXVIII,  68. 


lOO 


The  Ohio   Valley 


to  the  northern  limit  of  said  State,  be  the  western 
boundary  of  said  State  forever."* 

Meanwhile  r'^peated  informations  came  to  the 
authorities,  who  ought  to  have  acted  upon  it,  that 
French  troops  were  moving  to  the  Ohio  from  Canada, 
and  others  were  to  join  them  from  the  Mississippi 
in  order  to  build  forts  and  drive  the  English  from 
t^i^  Ohio.f  At  the  same  time  the  Indians  pro- 
claimed, that  many  southern  Indians  and  others, 
friendly  to  the  English,  intended  to  oppose  the 
French. J  In  October  of  1753,  the  operations  for 
the  year  came  to  a  close.  The  French  had  erected 
forts  twenty  or  thirty  miles  from  each  other,  and  by 
these  means  and  the  lakes  kept  the  communication 
open  between  Quebec  and  the  Mississippi,"  §  but 
they  had  lost  the  hearty  support  of  their  Indian 
allies,  who  left  them  dissatisfied,  because,  contrary 
to  the  promise,  made  by  the  Governor  of  Canada, 
Englishmen  had  been  taken  prisoners.  J 

The  appearance  of  the  French  army  —  large  for 
those  days,  for  it  consisted  of  400  regulars,  5,000 
militia  and  600  Indi?.ns,  a  levy  which  bore  heavy 
upon  the  resources  of  the  Colony  and  made  the 
French  inhabitants  very  dissatisfied  |  —  at  last 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  English.  The  Assembly  of 
Virginia    voted    during     the     session    of     1753-4, 

*Craig,  Olden  Times,  I,  pp.  433-524. 

fN.  Y.  Coll.  MSB.,  Council  Min.,  XXIII,  95. 

I  lb. 

§  lb.  140. 

I  lb.  134. 


II 


In  Colonial  Days. 


lOI 


;^ 1 0,000  ''for  the  support  of  his  Majesty's  rights  to 
the  lands  on  the  Ohio,"*  and  with  these  Governor 
Dinwiddie  expected  to  raise  five  or  six  companies, 
which  were  to  march  to  Wills  Creek,  where  the  Ohio 
Company  established  that  year  a  store-house  or 
magazine.  The  Colonies  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania, 
New  Jersey  and  New  York  were  called  upon  for  as- 
sistance, but  were  either  careless  or  dilatory,  and 
another  appropriation  of  ;^2o,ooo,  also  intended  by 
Dinwiddie  for  the  prosecution  of  the  Ohio  expedition, 
miscarried  through  an  internal  dispute.  The  Gov- 
ernor insisted  upon  the  fee  of  one  pistolef  for  every 
patent  exceeding  400  acres,  which  had  been  granted, 
but  not  signed  or  issued  by  his  predecessor.  The 
Virginia  Assembly  was  so  strongly  opposed  to  this, 
that  they  sent  a  representation  against  him,  to  Eng- 
land with  the  result,  that  he  should  not  receive  any 
fee  for  those  patents,  but  might  exact  a  pistole  fee 
for  every  grant  made  by  him,  exceeding  fifty  acres. 
This  cost  the  Assembly  ;^2,5oo  Virginia  currency, 
and  to  pay  the  sum  they  tacked  a  clause  to  the 
bill  for  ;^20,ooo,  which  the  Council  would  not  pass, 
and  they  were  prorogued.  J 

When  Governor  Dinwiddie  had  received  from  the 
Virginia  Assembly  the  first  grant  of  ;^  10,000  for 
supporting  the  British  interest  against  the  insults 
and  invasions  by  the  French,  he  notified  the  other 
English  Colonies  of  his  intentions,  asking  for  their 

*  Dinwiddie,  I,  80. 

f  About  $5  in  gold. 

%  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  Johnson  Papers,  I,  130. 


f 


'ft 

3! 


I02 


The  Ohio   Valley 


assistance.  The  Council  of  New  York  advised  the 
Governor,  Admiral  George  Clinton,  that  "as  the 
present  state  of  affairs  seems  to  threaten  a  rupture, 
and  as  the  frontiers  of  this  Province  are  in  a  very 
defenseless  condition,  the  Assembly  will  most  likely 
not  incline  to  give  any  money  for  this  service,  at 
least  not  r.ntil  a  general  plan  is  concerted  for  attack- 
ing and  dislodging  the  French."* 

But,  they  continue,  we  are  informed  that  a  number 
of  Connecticut  people  intend  to  buy  from  the  Indians 
a  tract  of  land  to  the  westward  of  one  hundred 
miles  square,  and  to  settle  it  immediately.  Let  them 
know  of  Governor  Dinwiddle's  proclamation,  promis- 
ing 200,000  acres,  etc.,  that  will  probably  be  an  in- 
ducement to  settle  on  the  Ohio  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Virginia,  and  thereby  that  part  of  the  country 
would  be  greatly  strengthened, 

Governor  Belcher  of  New  Jersey  tried  every  argu- 
ment in  his  power  "  to  urge  the  Assembly  to  a  sense 
of  their  duty  to  the  King,  by  complying  with  his 
Majesty's  most  reasonable  orders,  for  maintaining 
the  honor  and  interest  of  the  British  Crown,"  but 
the  Assembly  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his  appeals  and 
he  could  do  nothing  for  the  accomplishment  of  the 
Virginia  projectf 

The  Maryland  Assembly  refused  to  vote  any  money 
for  military  operations,!];  North  Carolina,  the  poorest 

*N.  Y.  MSB.  Council  Min.,  XXIII,  164. 
t  N.  J.  Archives,  VlII,  287. 
fDinwiddie  Papers,  I,  126. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


103 


of  all  the  Colonies,  however,  granted  ;^i  2,000  and  ex 
pected  to  raise  750  men  for  the  Ohio  expedition. 
Pennsylvania  had  allowed  a  sum  of  money  in  the  pre- 
ceding year,  1753,  for  distribution  among  the  Indians, 
but  it  appears,  the  religious  principles  of  the  majority 
in  the  Assembly  prevented  them  from  granting  money 
for  an  expedition  which  might  lead  to  bloodshed, 
and  they  forgot  over  it  the  first  law  of  nature,  self- 
preservation.  South  Carolina  sent  one  of  her  inde- 
pendent companies,  and  New  York  sent  two,  follow- 
ing orders  from  the  Earl  of  Holderness,  the  British 
Secretary  of  State. 

In  his  instructions  to  Colonel  Joshua  Fry,  com- 
manding the  Virginia  regiment.  Governor  Din- 
widdie  explains  (March  i,  1754)  his  plan  for  the 
Ohio  campaign.*  Colonel  Fry  was,  after  taking  com- 
mand of  all  the  forces  assembled  at  Alexandria,  to 
march  to  Wills  Creek,  above  the  Potomac  Falls,  and 
from  there  "  with  the  great  guns,  ammunition  and 
provisions  you  are  to  proceed  to  Monongahela;  when 
arrived  there,  you  are  to  make  choice  of  the  best 
place  to  erect  a  fort  for  mounting  your  cannons  and 
ascertaining  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Great  Britain's 
undoubted  right  to  those  lands."  Two  weeks  later 
Captains  Trent  and  Cresap  inform  him,  that  the 
French  are  already  expected  down  the  Ohio,  and  he 
ordered,  March  15,  Colonel  George  Washington  to 
march  with  whatever  number  of  soldiers  he  might 
have  enlisted,  to  the  Ohio.     "  I  would  gladly  hope," 

*  Dinwiddle  Papers,  I,  88. 


.1  ..■.-; 


I04 


Th''  Ohio   Valley 


I  I 


he  continues,  *'  as  Captain  Trent  has  begun  to  build  a 
fort  at  Allegany,  that  the  French  will  not  imme- 
diately disturb  us  there ;  and  when  our  forces  are 
properly  collected,  we  shall  be  able  to  keep  posses- 
sion and  drive  the  French  from  the  Ohio."*  The 
worthy  Governor  did  not  dream  how  disastrous  this 
campaign  of  1 754  would  end  for  the  Virginia  troops 
engaged  in  it. 

Pennsylvania  had  voted  only  money  enough  to 
make  a  present  to  the  Indians,  and  thereby  to  keep 
them  in  the  British  interest;  New  Jersey  had  utterly 
refused  "  to  raise  any  supplies  for  the  common  defense 
and  security  of  the  Colonies  against  the  hostile  en- 
croachments of  a  foreign  power."f  The  New  Eng- 
land Colonies  were  engaged  in  an  expedition  against 
Canada  in  another  quarter,  and  had  to  bear  that  bur- 
den, which  deprived  them  of  the  means  to  assist  Vir- 
ginia in  the  Ohio  expedition,  and  while  Virginia  is 
already  sending  a  part  of  her  great  army  of  700  men, 
poorly  provisioned  and  without  tents,  New  York  is 
still  debating  how  to  send  the  two  independent  com- 
panies, detached  from  the  regiments  in  New  York  by 
orders  from  the  home  government  for  service  on  the 
Ohio.  In  May,  1754,  the  Council  comes  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  it  is  best  to  send  them  by  water  "be- 
cause so  long  a  march  over  land,  if  practicable,  must 
be  attended  with  many  desertions,  and  cause  great 
delay."J     The  companies  are  finally  embarked,  and 

*Ib.  106. 

f  N.  J.  Archives,  VII,  294. 

tN.  Y.  Col.  MSS.  Council  Min.  XXIII,  178. 


ilil! 


In  Colonial  Days. 


105 


the  man-of-war,  which  carries  them,  has  sailed  down 
the  Bay  to  the  Watering  Place,  when  another  delay  is 
occasioned  by  the  objections  of  Captain  Diggs,  who 
has  relieved  Captain  Kennedy  in  command  of  the 
above  man-of-war  ;  Captain  Diggs  declines  going  to 
Virginia  because  he  has  orders  for  home.  But  here  the 
Council  of  New  York  is  firm,  though  wordy.*  The  dis- 
tance from  New  York  to  the  Ohio  is  about  400  miles, 
through  a  country  almost  wholly  inhabited,  and, 
therefore,  the  forces  could  not  be  subsisted  with  pro- 
visions, were  it  practicable  to  march  thither,  which 
the  Council  thinks  impracticable  in  the  absence  of 
roads;  were  the  troops  to  march  by  way  of  Virginia, 
they  could  not  arrive  in  time  to  be  of  any  service  this 
year,  and  even  were  all  these  difficulties  surmounted 
there  are  no  tents  in  the  King's  store,  and  no  money 
to  buy  them  and  the  provisions  necessary  for  a  long 
march.  Therefore  the  troops  must  go  by  water  and 
any  delay  must  be  prejudicial  to  the  service  at  this 
juncture,  when  the  French  have  already  taken  an 
English  fort  on  the  Ohio,  and  may,  if  not  prevented 
by  sufficient  strength,  advance  even  to  the  settle- 
ments of  Virginia,  and  it  appears  by  late  advices 
from  the  Ohio,  that  the  Indians  there  are  apprehen- 
sive they  '11  be  destroyed  by  the  French,  if  not  sup- 
ported soon,  or  forced  to  relinquish  the  British  and 
join  the  French  interest."  This  was  communicated 
to  Captain  Diggs,  who  then  sailed  for  the  James 
river,  in   Virginia,  and    arrived   there  in  June,  too 

*N.  Y.  Col.  MSB.,  Council  Min.  XXIII,  178. 
14 


I 


io6 


The  Ohio  Valley 


late  to  help  in  averting  the  first  disaster  of  the  cam- 
paign. 

Pierre  Claude  Pecaudy,  Seigneur  de  Contrecoeur, 
had  reached  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort,  built  by 
the  advanced  detachment  under  Ensign  Ward  at 
the  embouchure  of  the  Monongahela,  and  immedi- 
ately sent  the  following  : 

"  Summon,  by  order  of  Contrecoeur,  Captain  of 
one  of  the  Companies  of  the  Detachment  of  the 
French  Marine ;  Commander  in  Chief  of  his  most 
Christian  Majesty's  Troops  now  'on  the  Beautiful 
River ;  To  the  Commander  of  those,  of  the  King  of 
Great  Britain,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Mononga- 
hela, 
"  Sir. 

"  Nothing  can  surprise  me  more,  than  to  see  you 
Attempt  a  Settlement  upon  the  Lands  of  the  King 
my  Master,  which  obliges  me  now.  Sir,  to  send  you 
this  Gentleman  Chevalier  Le  Mercier,  Captain  of 
the  Bombardiers,  Commander  of  the  Artillery  of 
Canada,  to  know  of  you.  Sir,  by  Virtue  of  what  Au- 
thority you  are  come  to  fortify  yourself  within  the 
Dominions  of  the  King  my  Master.  This  Action 
seems  so  contrary  to  the  Jast  Treaty  of  Peace  con- 
cluded at  Aix  La  Chapelle,  between  his  most  Chris- 
tian Majesty  and  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  that  I 
do  not  know,  to  whom  to  impute  such  a  Usurpation, 
as  it  is  incontestable,  that  the  Lands  Situated  along 
the  Beautiful  River  belong  to  his  most  Christian 
Majesty. 


In  Colonial  Days.  107 

"I  am  Informed,  Sir,  that  your  undertaking  has 
been  concerted  by  none  else,  than  by  a  Company 
who  have  more  in  view  the  Advantage  of  a  Trade, 
than  to  endeavour  to  keep  the  Union  and  harmony 
which  Subsists  between  the  Crowns  of  France  and 
Great  Britain  ;  altho'  it  is  as  much  the  Interest,  Sir, 
of  your  Nation,  as  ours  to  preserve  it. 

"  Let  it  be  as  it  will.  Sir,  if  you  come  into  this 
place  charged  with  Orders,  I  summon  you  in  the 
name  of  the  King  my  Master  by  Virtue  of  orders 
which  I  got  from  my  General  to  retreat  Peaceably 
with  your  Troops,  from  off  the  Lands  of  the  King 
(and  not  return ;  or  else  I  find  myself  obliged  to 
fulfill  my  Duty,  and  compel  you  to  it.  I  hope.  Sir, 
you  will  not  defer  an  Instant,  and  that  you  will  not 
force  me  to  the  least  Extremity)  in  that  case,  Sir, 
you  may  be  persuaded,  that  I  will  give  orders,  that 
there  shall  be  no  Damage  done  by  my  Detachment 

"  I  prevent  you.  Sir,  from  the  Trouble  of  asking 
me  one  Hour  of  delay,  nor  to  wait  for  my  consent 
to  receive  Orders  from  your  Gov*.  He  can  give 
none  within  the  Dominions  of  the  King  my  Master ; 
those  I  have  received  of  my  General  are  my  Laws, 
so  that  I  cannot  depart  from  them. 

"  If  on  the  Contrary,  Sir,  you  have  not  got  orders 
and  only  come  to  Trade  I  am  sorry  to  tell  you,  that 
I  cant  avoid  seizing  you  and  to  confiscate  your  Ef- 
fects, to  the  use  of  the  Indians,  our  Children,  Allies 
and  Friends :  as  you  are  not  allowed  to  carry  on  a 
Contraband  Trade.     It  is  for  this  reason  Sir,  that 


io8 


The  Ohio  Valley 


we  stopped  two  Englishmen  last  Year,  who  were 
Trading  upon  our  Lands,  moreover  the  King  my 
Master  asks  nothing  but  his  Right,  he  has  not  the 
least  Intention,  to  trouble  the  good  Harmony  and 
Friendship  which  Reigns  between  his  Majesty  and 
the  King  of  Great  Britain. 

"  The  Governor  of  Canada  can  give  Proof  of 
having  done  his  utmost  endeavours,  to  maintain  the 
Perfect  Union  which  Reigns  between  two  Friendly 
Princes,  as  he  had  learned  that  the  Iroquois  and 
Nepissingues  of  the  Lake  of  the  two  Mountains* 
had  struck  and  destroyed  an  English  Family  towards 
Carolina,  he  has  barred  up  the  Road  and  forced  them 
to  give  him  a  little  Boy  belonging  to  that  Family, 
which  was  the  only  one  alive  and  which  Mr.  Wlerick 
a  Merchant  of  Montreal  has  carried  to  Boston  :  and 
what  is  more  he  has  forbid  the  Savages  from  Exer- 
cising their  Accustomed  Cruelty  upon  the  English 
our  Friends. 

"  I  coud  complain  Bitterly  Sir,  of  the  means  taken 
all  last  Winter  to  instigate  the  Indians  to  accept  the 
Hatchet  and  to  strike  us  while  we  were  striving  to 
maintain  the  Peace. 

**  I  am  well  Persuaded  Sir  of  the  Polite  manner  in 
which  you  will  receive  Mr.  LeMercier,  as  well  out  of 
Regard  to  his  Business,  as  his  Distinction  and  Per- 
sonal merit.  I  expect  you  will  send  him  back  with 
one  of  Your  Officers,  who  will  bring  me  a  Precise 
Answer.     As  you  have  got  some  Indians  with  you, 

*  North  East  of  Lake  Huron.  (?) 


In  Colonial  Days. 


109 


Sir,  I  Join  with  Mr.  LeMercier  an  Interoreter,  that 
he  may  inform  them  of  my  intentions  upon  tha  Sub- 
ject.    I  am  with  great  Respect 

Sir,  Your  most  humble  and  most 

obedient  Servant 

CONTRECOEUR."* 

"  Done  at  our  Camp  April  i6th  1754 

This  courteous  and  dignified  invitation  to  leave 
comparatively  comfortable  quarters  proved  irresist- 
ible, as  the  following  letter  of  Colonel  Geo.  Wash- 
ington to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  shows  : 

"  It  is  with  the  greatest  Concern  I  acquaint  you 
that  Mr.  Ward  Ensign  in  Capt.  Trents  Company  was 
compelled  to  surrender  his  small  Fort  in  the  Forks 
of  Mohongialo  to  the  French  on  the  17th  inst.  who 
fell  down  from  Weningo  with  a  Fleet  of  360  Battoes 
and  Canoes  with  upwards  of  One  Thousand  Men 
and  Eighteen  Pieces  of  Artillery,  which  they  planted 
against  the  Fort,  drew  up  their  Men  and  sent  the 
enclosed  summons  to  Mr.  Ward,  who  having  but  an 
inconsiderable  number  of  Men  and  no  Cannon  to 
make  a  proper  Defence  was  obliged  to  surrender ; 
they  suffered  him  to  draw  off  his  Men,  Arms  and 
Working  Tools  and  gave  Leave  that  he  might  retreat 
to  the  Inhabitants.     *     *     * 

"  I  have  arrived  thus  far  with  a  Detachment  of  150 
Men,  Col.  Fry  with  the  Remainder  of  the  Regiment 
and  Artillery  is  daily  expected.    In  the  meantime,  we 

*From  a  copy  in  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LXXVIII,  113,  certified  to  by  Rich<* 
Peters,  Sec^  of  Penn«  May  6,  1754. 


no 


The  Ohio   Valley 


advance  slowly  across  the  Mountains,  making  the 
Roads  as  We  march,  fit  for  the  Carriage  of  our  Guns 
&c*  and  are  designed  to  proceed  as  far  as  thn  Mouth  of 
the  Red  Stone  Creek  which  enters  Mohongialo  ab<  ut 
37  miles  above  the  Fort  taken  by  the  French,  from 
whence  we  have  a  Water  Carriage  down  the  River 
—  And  there  is  a  Store  House  built  by  the  Ohio 
Company,  which  may  serve  as  a  Recepticle  for  our 
Ammunition  and  Provisions. 

"  Besides  these  French  that  came  from  Weningo, 
We  have  credible  Accounts  that  another  Party  are 
coming  up  Ohio — We  also  have  Intelligence  that  600 
of  the  Chippoways  and  Ottoways  are  marching  down 
Sciodo  C'  to  join  them."     *     *     * 

"  P.  S.  James  Foley  the  Express  says  he  left  Mr. 
Washington  at  the  new  Store  on  Patowmack  about 
130  miles  from  Capt.  Trents  Fort  at  the  Mouth  of 
Mohongialo  on  Saturday  if^  April."* 

Governor  Dinwiddie  was  not  discouraged  by  this 
first  check,  which  his  small  army  had  received.  Some 
of  the  troops,  one  company  of  100  soldiers,  had  ar- 
rived from  South  Carolina  and  the  New  York  com- 
panies were,  as  he  writes,f  daily  expected.  As  the 
main  body,  in  advance,  could  not  make  more  than 
two,  three  or  four  miles  a  day,  J  because  they  were 
obliged  to  clear  roads  for  the  provision  train,  it  was 
possible  for  the  South  Carolinians  to  keep  up  with 

*  From  a  copy  in  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LXXVIII,  iii,  certified  to  by  Rich** 
Peters,  Secy  of  Penn»  May  6, 1754. 

f  Dinwiddie  Papers,  1,  150. 

lib.  151. 


III 


In  Colonial  Days, 


1 1 1 


them  ;  the  New  Yorkers,  who  arrived  only  in  June, 
could  not  be  expected  to  do  so. 

Meanwhile  unpleasant  news  came  from  the  Ohio. 
Washington  writes  under  date  of  May  4,  1 754,  from 
Little  Meadows,*  that  the  French  at  the  fort  lately 
taken  by  them  have  received  a  reinforcement  of  800 
men,  that  another  French  detachment  of  600  is 
building  a  fort  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohiof  and  intend 
to  move  up  river  from  there  to  erect  another  fort  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Scioto.  But  an  Indian  message, 
arriving  simultaneously  with  the  news  of  Ward's  dis- 
aster, put  a  more  hopeful  face  to  the  matter.  It 
showed  that  the  English  had  not  yet  lost  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Indians,  who  were  in  so  many  respects 
an  important  factor  in  the  Ohio  drama. 

Scruniyattha,  the  Half  King;  that  is,  the  Head 
Chief,  of  a  tribe  dependent  upon  the  Iroquois,  said  : 
"  We  have  been  waiting  this  long  Time  for  the 
French  to  strike  us ;  now  we  see  what  they  design 
to  do  with  us,  we  are  ready  to  strike  them  now  and 
wait  for  your  assistance  ;  be  strong  and  come  as  soon 
as  possible  you  can,  and  you  shall  find  us  your  true 
brothers  and  shall  find  us  as  ready  to  strike  them  as 
you  are. "J 

Relying  on  this  promised  assistance  from  the  In- 
dians and  buoyed  up  by  the  arrival  of  a  company 
of  "  icx)  fine  Men"  from  South  Carolina,  Governor 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  152. 

f  Near  Louisville,  Ky. 

X  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LXXVIII,  p.  112. 


112 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Dinwiddie  did  not  relinquish  the  hope  of  driving  the 
French  from  the  territory,  which  he  claimed  to  be 
English,  but  which  was  still  in  dispute  between  Vir- 
ginia and  Pennsylvania.  Washington's  successful 
encounter  with  a  detachment  of  French  near  the 
Great  Meadows,  in  which  the  English  killed  ten, 
wounded  one  and  took  twenty-one  prisoners,  out  of 
a  French  force  of  about  seventy-five,*  must  have  ap- 
peared as  the  beginning  of  a  realization  of  Dinwid- 
dle's expectations.  As  the  Governor  puts  it  in  a  let- 
ler  to  Washington,  congratulating  him  on  his  victory, 
the  success  gained  "may  give  testimony  to  the  In- 
dians, that  the  French  are  not  invincible  when  fairly 
engaged  with  the  English. "f  Another  cause  for  re- 
joicing was  the  news  that  a  body  of  Cherokee  In- 
dians were  on  the  march  to  join  the  small  English 
forces. 

On  the  other  side,  the  French  were  also  endeavor- 
ing to  secure  the  support  of  Indians  near  enough  to 
be  of  any  use.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1 754,  they 
sent  messages  to  the  Twightwees,  Wyandots  and 
other  tribes  in  alliance  with  them,  asking  that  they 
should  take  up  the  hatchet,  start  for  the  Ohio  and 
there  cut  ofif  the  inhabitants  and  all  the  English 
among  them.  J  But  for  once  they  were  not  success- 
ful, for  Big  Kettle  informed  the  Half  King,  a  staunch 
ally  of  the  English,  of  the  French  intrigues,  and  "  at 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  179. 

t  lb.  186. 

tib.  191.  ;; 


In  Colonial  Days. 


"3 


the  same  time  assured  him  of  their  good  intention 
to  assist  the  Six  Nations  and  their  brethren  the 
English." 

The  next  meeting  between  the  contending  nation- 
alities was  a  disastrous  one  for  the  English.  "A 
few  days  ago,"  writes  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade  on  the  24th  of  July,  1754,  "Col. 
Washington,  *  *  *  ^  arrived  from  our  camp  at 
the  Meadows,  near  the  Ohio  river,  who  gave  the 
following  melancholy  account  of  an  engagement  be- 
tween our  forces  and  the  French.  On  the  3**  of  this 
Month  they  had  intelligence,  that  the  French  were 
reinforced  (at  the  fort  they  took  from  us,  last  May, 
near  the  Ohio)  with  700  men  and  that  they  were  in 
full  march  with  900  men  to  attack  our  small  camp, 
which  consisted  of  few  more  than  300  men  besides 
Officers.  They  immediately  connected  and  prepared 
to  make  the  best  defence  their  small  number  would 
admit  of."*  But  a  successful  defense  was  almost  an 
impossibility,  seeing  the  superiority  of  the  attacking 
force  and  the  blunder  of  the  English  commander, 
who,  in  locating  his  camp,  had  left  standing  around 
trees  enough  to  shelter  the  French  against  the  fire 
from  the  English  trenches.  The  English  troops 
were  again  allowed  to  march  out  with  all  the  honors 
of  war,  colors  flying  and  drums  beating. 

The  other  Colonies'  troops,  with  the  exception  of 
the  South  Carolina  Company,  had  not  yet  joined  and 
Dinwiddie  is  undoubtedly  right  in  attributing  to  their 


*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  239,  et  seq. 


15 


114 


The  Ohio   Valley 


li'iti 


slowness  the  disaster  of  July,  1754.  The  two  New 
York  Companies  had  reached  Winchester,  the  North 
Carolina  Company  was  still  on  the  march  and  "  the 
other  Colonies  have  not  given  any  assistance,  and  I 
fear  do  not  intend  to  do  any  thing,  unless  obliged  by 
an  act  of  Parliament,  for  a  general  poll  tax  of  half  a 
crown  stlg.  for  conducting  this  expedition."*  The 
forces  which  were  to  contend  against  the  French 
were,  100  men  from  South  Carolina,  350  from  North 
Carolina,  3CX)  Virginians,  100  Marylanders  and  160 
from  New  York,  a  total  of  loio  men,  to  whom  Din- 
widdle expected  to  add  200  more. 

The  Indians  of  the  Ohio  characteristically,  had 
partly  joined  the  French  after  the  first  defeat  of  the 
English  and  this  second  mishap,  it  was  feared,  would 
induce  many  more  of  the  Iroquois  to  desert  Corach- 
koof  and  go  to  Onontio.J 

And  while  hard  at  work  in  other  directions,  there 
came  to  Dinwiddle  the  disheartening  news,  that  the 
Cherokees,  who  had  constantly  protested  they  were 
friends  of  the  English,  had  conferred  with  the  French 
and  made  peace  with  them.  The  exertions  of  Richard 
Pears,  an  Indian  trader  among  the  Cherokees  on 
Holston  river, §  however,  induced  Attakullakulla,  the 
chief  of  this  tribe,  also  called  Little  Carpenter,  to 
break  the  peace.     He  and  the  Catawbas  were  also 

•  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  239,  et  seq. 
f  Indian  name  for  the  King  of  England. 
X  Indian  name  for  Governor  of  Canada. 
§  Branch  of  the  Tennessee. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


"5 


relied  upon  to  prevent  the  building  of  a  French  fort 
on  the  Holston  or  Choto  river,  where  the  French 
had  begun  such  a  structure  and  where  a  settlement 
by  Englishmen  had  sprung  up.* 

But  even  if  the  Indians  should  fail  him,  the  Gover- 
nor of  Virginia  did  not  intend  to  give  up  his  pet 
scheme  of  driving  the  French  from  the  territory  dis- 
covered by  them,  and  taken  possession  of  long  before 
the  English  had  any  knowledge  of  its  existence.  He 
applied  to  his  work  all  the  experience,  gathered  dur- 
ing his  military  life  on  the  battle-fields  of  Europe 
and  sent  orders  to  Colonel  James  Innes,  commanding 
the  forces,  to  gather  all  his  soldiers  at  Will's  creek, 
a  tributary  of  the  Potomac,  to  march  them  across  the 
ridge  of  the  Allegheny  mountains  and  after  expelling 
the  French  from  the  fort,  so  lately  taken  by  them,  to 
build  another  strong  place  at  the  crossing  place  Red 
Stone  creek,  or  where  it  was  thought  most  advisable 
in  that  neighborhood  of  the  Monongahela.  But  a 
few  weeks  later,  Dinwiddle  gave  Governor  Sharpe 
of  Maryland,  the  following  doleful  account  of  the 
situation  :t 

"  The  plan  of  operations  that  I  proposed  for  this 
fall  are  entirely  defeated  :  ist.  By  the  No.  Car.  forces 
disbanding  themselves,  which  was  occasioned  by  a 
monstrous  mismanagement  of  them  from  the  begin- 
ning; they  raised  ;^ 1 2,000.  The  President  of  that 
Colony  (Rowan)  gave  the  private  men  3  sh.  Procla- 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  267. 

fib.  304-  


ii6 


The  Ohio   Valley 


mation  money  per  day  and  the  officers  in  proportion, 
so  that  their  money  was  wholly  expended  before  they 
joined  the  other  forces  and  would  serve  no  longer 
without  assurance  of  the  above  pay.  .  .  .  Next 
is  the  reduction  of  the  No.  of  our  forces,  those  killed 
and  wounded  unfit  for  service,  and  desertion,  which 
has  reduced  the  number  to  150.  If  the  appropria- 
tion of  ;^20,ooo  had  passed,  I  fully  intended  to  aug- 
ment our  regiment  to  8  Companies  of  70  men  each, 

.  .  .  and  in  course  made  up  the  deficiency  oc- 
casioned by  the  No.  Car.  people,  but  the  obstinacy  of 
our  Assembly  have  defeated  my  intentions  and  I  am 
now  persuaded  that  no  expedition  can  be  conducted 
here   with   dependence    on    American    Assemblies. 

.  .  .  Under  these  great  disappointments  I  de- 
termined to  keep  the  few  people  we  have  in  pay  and 
propose  100  of  them  to  march  to  Will's  creek  to  join 
the  Independent  Companies  and  to  endeavour  to 
secure  a  pass  over  the  Allegany  mounts  by  erecting 
a  fort  ...  to  facilitate  our  operations  next 
spring  ...  I  am  of  opinion  with  our  handful 
of  men,  v/e  can  only  be  on  the  defensive  till  we  in- 
crease our  numbers." 

The  French,  in  the  meantime,  were  not  idly  sitting 
in  their  newly  acquired  foothold  on  the  forks  of  Mo- 
nongahela,  but  made  many  depredatory  descents 
upon  the  English  settlers  in  the  neighborhood,  in 
Augusta  county,  and  prepared  for  a  vigorous  defense 
of  what  they  considered  French  territory,  by  new 
forts  on   Holston,  Green  Brier's   and  other  rivers, 


In  Colonial  Days, 


117 


whose  waters  found  their  way  to    the  Ohio.     These 
attempts,  in  fact  only  the  mention  of  such  intention, 
aroused,  however,  the  ire  of  the  Iroquois,  who  looked 
upon  themselves  as  the  rightful  owners  of  the  terri- 
tory in  dispute  between  the  two  foreign  white  races. 
Already  at  the  Albany  Congress  in  June  and  July  of 
this  year,  1754,  the  speaker  of   the   Mohawks  had 
said  :*  "  We  cannot  find  after  the  strictest  inquiry, 
that  any  leave  to  build  forts  has  been  given  or  land 
sold  to  the   French.     They  have  gone  there  without 
our   consent.     The  Governors   of   Virginia   and  of 
Canada  are  both  quarreling  about   lands  belonging 
to  us.     Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  have  made  roads 
through  our  country  without  acquainting  us  of  it." 
Governor  de  Lancey,  of  New  York,  appeased  their 
anger  toward  the  English  Colonies  by  telling  them, 
that  the  invaded  country  was  still  acknowlc  dged  to  be 
theirs  under  English  protection,  and  that  the  inroads 
were  made  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  them.    This 
assertion  was  confirmed  bv  Conrad  Weiser,  a  Ger- 
man  possessed  of  great  ii.fluence   among   the   Six 
Nations,  and  the  latter  were  so  well  satisfied  with 
this  notion  of  English  protection  that  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  summer  of  1 754,  they  sent  messages  to 
Virginia  asking  for  aid  and  assistance  to  be  given  to 
their  friends  and  allies  on  the  Ohio,t  which  was  readily 
promised  by  Governor  Dinwiddle,  who  was  very  soon 
after  compelled,  by  the  failure  of  the  appropriation,  to 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VI,  870  etseq. 

t  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  Council  Min.,  XXIII,  220. 


ii8 


The  Ohio  Valley 


countermand  his  orders  to  Colonel  Innes,  and  direct 
him  to  secure  a  good  position  back  of  the  mountains, 
at  the  same  time  maintaining  the  Ohio  company's 
warehouse  for  storing  his  supplies.  The  time  for 
active  operations  in  1 754  was  rapidly  drawing  toward 
its  close  when  Governor  Dinwiddle,  still  obedient  to 
the  orders  received  in  the  previous  year,  wrote  to  Hor- 
ace Walpole,  the  Secretary  of  War  :*  **  The  French  are 
left  to  perpetrate  all  their  mischievous  schemes 
against  the  British  subjects  with  1,500  men  ;  what  a 
dangerous  condition  are  these  Colonies  in  from  the 
obstinate  and  imprudent  behaviour  of  the  Assem- 
blies ?  New  York  lately  has  voted  ;^5,ooo  and 
Maryland  ^6,000,  their  moneys,  but  these  sums  are 
trifling  for  the  support  of  so  essential  and  necessary 
(an)  expedition.  .  .  .  Without  a  British  act  of  Par- 
liament to  raise  a  general  poll-tax  all  over  the  conti 
nent  no  money  can  be  raised  here,  though  for  their 
own  safety,  and  I  fear  that  would  not  do.  I  there- 
fore have  humbly  recommended  a  supply  from  home 
of  men,  money  and  ammunition,  without  which  I 
dread  much  the  consequence.  For  I  do  not  con- 
ceive the  French  views  are  confined  to  the  lands  on 
the  Ohio,  but  for  a  general  conquest  of  all  the  British 
Colonies,  and  without  immediate  assistance  I  dread 
their  success.  .  .  .  So.  Car.  and  Pennsylvania  have 
not  as  yet  granted  any  aid  whatever  to  this  expedi- 
tion." 

It  is  difficult,  at  this  day,  to  fully  understand  the 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  343. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


119 


supine  lethargy,  evinced  by  the  other  English  Col- 
onies in  regard  to  the  efforts  made  by  Virginia  for 
extending  British  territory.  The  New  England 
Colonies  had  too  much  to  do  in  defending  themselves 
against  the  common  enemy  ;  but  their  neighbor,  New 
York,  was,  on  account  of  her  Indians,  the  Six  Na- 
tions, as  much  interested  in  keeping  the  French  out 
of  the  Ohio  valley,  as  in  securing  the  safety  of  her 
own  frontiers.  The  slackness  of  Pennsylvania  must 
be  attributed  partly  to  jealousy,  that  Virginia  might 
establish  a  prescriptive  right  to  the  Ohio  lands  by 
her  exertions  against  the  French,  partly  to  the  dis- 
inclination of  the  dominant  party  in  the  Colony, 
the  Quakers,  to  assist,  even  if  only  in  an  indirect 
manner,  in  the  shedding  of  blood.  That  the  Assem- 
bly of  Virginia  should  fail,  at  a  decisive  moment,  to 
grant  the  needed  moneys,  is  almost  incomprehensible, 
unless  we  ascribe  their  action  to  personal  motives,  to  a 
dislike  against  their  Governor,  arising  out  of  Dinwid- 
die's  former  service  in  the  Colony  as  Surveyor  of 
Customs.  The  other  Colonies,  New  Jersey,  Mary- 
land, the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  were  evidently 
actuated  by  the  feeling,  displayed  by  a  rabbit,  which, 
if  it  cannot  see  the  danger,  considers  itself  safe,  and 
won't  run. 

Governor  Dinwiddie's  urgent  appeals  for  aid,  di- 
ercted  to  the  British  government,  finally  were  crowned 
with  success.  At  the  re-assembling  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses  on  the  17th  of  October,  1754,  he 
could  inform  them,  that  in  view  of  the  dangerous  con- 


I20 


The  Ohio   Valley 


dition  of  his  Colonies,  the  King  had  sent  over  ;^  10,000, 
and  2,000  stand  of  arms,  and  he  appealed  to  their 
sense  of  duty  and  self-preservation  so  effectively,  that 
they  granted  further  ;^20,ooo  out  of  the  revenues  of 
the  Colony.  A  new  Governor  for  North  Carolina, 
Dobbs,  arriving,  gave  to  Dinwiddie  a  chance  of  hold- 
ing a  council  of  war  with  this  new  comer,  and  with 
Governor  Sharpe  of  Maryland,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  command  the  combined  forces  of  the  pro- 
posed expedition. 

The  Virginia  militia,  numbering  about  20,000, 
could  not  be  ordered  out  of  the  Province;  to  make 
it  available  for  the  proposed  expulsory  measures, 
Governor  Dinwiddie  intended  to  have  the  Assem- 
bly pass  an  act,  allowing  him  to  draft  one  man  in 
ten,  altogether  2,000,  to  march  across  the  Alleghanies. 

The  Cherokees  and  Catawbas,  having  been  noti- 
fied that  the  French  had  taken  up  the  hatchet  and 
were  invading  their  hunting  grounds  on  the  Ohio, 
promised  to  send  from  800  to  1,000  of  their  warriors 
against  the  French,  but  were  dissuaded  from  it  by 
Governor  Glen  of  South  Carolina,  who  acted  very 
much  like  a  dog  in  the  manger  ;  he  could  not  see  any 
advantage  for  his  Colony  arising  from  this  expedi- 
tion, and,  therefore,  would  allow  no  other  one  to  reap 
any. 

A  renewed  appeal  to  them,  made  by  Dinwiddie  in 
November,  1754,  with  promises  of  plenty  of  powder 
and  of  sincere  friendship,  had  the  effect  of  counter- 
acting Governor  Glen's  promptings,  and  the  plan  of 


In  Colonial  Days, 


121 


sending  warriors  to  join  the  English  troops  on  their 
march  to  the  Ohio,  was  resumed,  but  none  came  to 
help  Braddock.* 

The  Twightwees  continued  steadily  in  the  British 
interest,  and  sent  messages,  that  they  were  going  to 
war  against  the  French,  after  having  killed  a  number 
of  them. 

Other  Indians  re-affirmed  their  loyalty  to  the  Eng- 
lish, also.  "On  the  i8th  of  October  last,"  writes 
Governor  Dinwiddie,f  *'  there  was  a  small  treaty  at 
our  camp  at  Will's  Creek,  between  Col.  Innes  and 
some  Indians,  viz.:  Scaruniata  and  Moses,  warriors 
of  the  Six  Nations,  Laputhia,  the  Shawna  King, 
Jescoma,  a  Delaware,  and  Monecatoocha,  chief  on 
the  Ohio,  when  after  long  consultation  they  unani- 
mously took  up  the  hatchet  against  the  French,  and 
sent  Monecatoocha  with  a  black  belt  of  wampum  and 
a  hatchet,  to  Onondaga,  desiring  the  Six  Nations  to 
declare  themselves  against  the  French  and  desired, 
that  this  Colony,  Maryland,  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York  should  each  of  them  send  a  black  belt  and 
hatchet  to  engage  them  to  declare  against  the 
French."  Within  a  fortnight  after  the  date  of  this 
letter,  Scarroyadi,  the  Oneida  chief,  and  a  chief  of  the 
Senecas,  probably  the  two  warriors  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions mentioned  above,  appeared  before  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council  of  New  York  with  messages  from 
the  western  Indians  and  on  their  way  to  Onondaga 

*  Dinwiddle  Papers,  II,  51. 
fib.,  I,  430. 
16 


122 


The  Ohio   Valley 


with  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  belts.* 
Scarroyadi,  the  Half  King,  explained,  that  they  were 
about  to  consult  the  Six  Nations  upon  the  present 
situation  of  affairs  and  intended,  to  effect  a  union 
between  them  and  the  western  Indians,  who  had  al- 
ready taken  up  the  hatchet  against  the  French,  but 
meant  to  keep  it  in  their  bosom,  still  all  their  breth- 
ren, English  and  Indians,  should  strike  with  it  to- 
gether. They  were  further  charged  with  an  invita- 
tion for  the  Six  Nations  to  come  to  Winchester  and 
asked  for  a  New  York  belt,  to  give  weigh  v.  to  the 
others. 

Governor  De  Lancey  told  them  in  reply,  that  at 
the  conference  in  Albany,  held  during  the  preceding 
summer,  a  large  belt  had  been  given  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions, to  unite  all  governments  with  them  and  their 
friends,  when  it  was  agreed  that  whenever  their 
brethren,  the  English,  called  upon  them,  they,  the 
Six  Nations,  would  join  and  attack  the  French. 
New  York,  he  said,  is  ready  to  strike,  but  must  wait 
until  the  General,  appointed  by  the  King  to  com- 
mand this  expedition,f  has  arrived. 

About  the  same  time  Governor  Dinwiddie  lost  for 
this  expedition  an  officer  whose  knowledge  of  the 
country  and  experience  in  frontier  warfare  had  ren- 
dered his  services  conspicuously  valuable.  The  reason 
was  a  question  of  rank,  pardonable  in  any  officer, 
but  in  this  case  deplorable.     Colonel  George  Wash- 

*N.  Y.  Col.  MSB.,  Council  Min.,  XXIII,  259. 
f  Braddock. 


Awak 


In  Colonial  Days, 


123 


ington  resigned  his  commission  because,  under  the  new 
military  establishment  planned  by  Governor  Dinwid- 
dle, the  Virginia  forces  were  to  be  divided  into  ten 
independent  companies  of  100  men  each  under  the 
command  of  a  captain,  who  were  severally  subordi- 
nate to  officers  with  royal  commissions.  This  might 
have  placed  Colonel  Washington  at  the  orders  of 
men,  to  whom  he  had  formerly  given  orders  himself 
and,  therefore,  he  resigned  in  a  pet,  without  waiting 
for  the  result  of  the  Governor's  application  for  royal 
commissions,  to  be  issued  to  the  officers  of  the  inde- 
pendent companies.* 

The  winter  of  1 754  to  1 75  5  was  spent  in  preparations 
for  an  early  spring  campaign.  The  other  Colonies, 
more  or  less  interested  in  the  object  of  it,  began  to 
throw  off  their  lethargy,  one  after  the  other,  and 
granted  money  or  men,  or  both,  for  the  expulsion  of 
the  French  from  the  Ohio  valley.  New  York,  from 
which  Colony  troops  were  already  in  this  service  and 
which  was  called  upon  also  for  the  defense  of  its 
northern  frontiers,  raised  800  men  and  voted  ^4,500. 
In  the  Jerseys  500  men  were  enlisted,  Pennsylvania 
gave  ;^i  5,000,  Maryland  ^6,000  with  a  promise  of 
perhaps  doubling  that  sum ;  Virginia  had  to  pay 
;^30,ooo  besides  refunding  the  money  received  from 
England;  North  Carolina  had  contributed  ^8,000 
and  South  Carolina  —  nothing.  Governor  Glen,  of 
this  colony,  which  gave  nothing,  was,  however,  dissat- 
isfied, that  he  could  not  have  a  share  of  the  ;^  10,000 

*Dinwiddie  Papers,  I. 


124 


The  Ohio   Valley 


granted  by  England  for  the  defense  of  the  Colonies, 
and  he  boldly  demanded  from  Governor  Din- 
widdle ;^7,ooo  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  fort  in 
the  Upper  Cherokee  country,  basing  this  demand 
on  the  instruction  which  had  accompanied  the 
money  grant.  "  It  is  likewise  His  Majesty's  pleas- 
ure, you  [Dinwiddie]  should  concert  with  Mr.  Glen, 
Gov.  of  S.  Car.,  the  necessary  measures  for  securing 
the  Cherokee  Indians  by  a  proper  present  and  for 
obtaining  forthwith  permission  for  the  building  a 
fort  in  their  country,  for  which  purpose  you  are 
hereby  empowered  to  remit  to  Mr.  Glen  such  sums 
out  of  the  money  (;^io,ooo)  as  shall  be  agreed  be- 
tween you  and  the  said  Governor."* 

Before  the  Colonies  had  bestirred  themselves,  as 
stated  above.  General  Braddock  and  troops  from 
England  had  arrived,  and  it  is  likely  that  the  Colo- 
nial Assemblies,  who  had  hitherto  always  opposed 
the  royal  prerogatives,  felt  ashamed,  when  they  saw 
that  these  same  objectionable  prerogatives  were  ex- 
erted for  their  benefit,  while  they  themselves  had 
been  doing  nothing  for  their  own  defense;  hence  they 
made  liberal  appropriations. 

While  the  Colonists  under  either  crown  were  thus 
preparing  for  and  already  engaged  in  actual  hostili- 
ties, peace  still  reigned  in  their  trans-Atlantic  homes; 
but  the  governments  of  both  France  and  England 
recognized  the  portent  of  the  ominous  clouds  gather- 
ing over  their  American  Provinces,  and  hastened  to 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I,  484. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


125 


send  assistance.  Irony  of  fate  decided  that  the  two 
European  generals,  Braddock,  the  English  com- 
mander, and  Baron  Dieskau,  the  French,  should 
come  across  the  ocean,  to  meet  defeat  at  the  hands 
of  their  foes.  General  Braddock  with  two  regiments 
of  the  Royal  army*  reached  Virginia  about  the 
middle  of  March,  1755,  and  immediately  set  to  work 
upon  a  plan  of  campaign.  Governor  Dinwiddie  pro- 
posed that  the  attack  upon  the  French  should  be 
made  all  along  the  line,  from  Niagara  to  the  Ohio, 
General  Braddock  commanding  the  southern  or 
left  wing.  After  the  capture  of  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
of  which  the  Governor  seems  not  to  have  doubted, 
this  southern  wing  was  to  march  toward  Lake  Erie, 
join  the  forces  at  or  before  Niagara,  and,  if  success- 
ful here,  direct  their  attentions  to  Crown  Point,  New 
York.  At  a  Council  of  War,  held  in  April,  by  Gen- 
eral Braddock,  Commodore  Keppel,  and  the  Gov- 
ernors of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  New 
York  and  New  England,  this  plan  was  adopted,  with 
the  additional  feature  that  Sir  William  Johnson,  of 
New  York,  with  5,000  men,  should  make  an  attack 
on  Crown  Point  at  the  same  time  as  the  other  troops, 
3,000  under  Braddock,  and  two  regiments  of  Pro- 
vincials, under  Shirley,  attempted  the  expulsion  of  the 
French  from  the  upper  Ohio  and  Niagara.  Sir  Peter 
Halkett's  and  Colonel  Dunbar's  commands  were 
already  on  the  march  to  the  Ohiof  and  were  joined 

*44th  and  48th  Regts.,  R.  A. 
f  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  14. 


126 


The  Ohio   Valley 


by  a  company  of  84  men  from  North  Carolina,  the  only 
Provincial  help  given  to  Virginia  for  the  undertak- 
ing, except  the  two  companies  from  New  York, 
which  had  remained  in  this  service  since  the  preced- 
ing year. 

Although  the  General  in  command  of  this  army  of 
operation,  marching  westward,  had  been  trained  in 
a  good  military  school  in  Europe,  —  on  the  battle- 
fields of  Fontenoy,  and  in  Flanders,  —  and,  there- 
fore, may  be  presumed  to  have  acquired  some  knowl- 
edge of  warfare,  and  to  have  been  a  man  of  courage, 
the  English  government  could  hardly  have  sent  a 
man  more  unfit  for  this  undertaking,  than  Braddock. 
His  arrogance,  profligacy  and  profanity*  soon  made 
him  unpopular  with  the  Provincials  under  his  com- 
mand, and  their  Indian  allies.  Of  these,  the  Six 
Nations  were  not  only  the  most  important,  but  also 
the  most  dissatisfied.  Uneasiness  and  jealousies 
had  been  aroused  among  them  by  the  claims  made 
upon  the  Ohio  lands  by  the  English,  especially  by 
the  Ohio  company.  They  knew  of  this  and  other 
grants  of  land,  which  they  considered  their  own,  by 
Virginia,  upon  which  settlements  had  already  been 
attempted  or  effected.  They,  therefore,  disliked 
Virginia,  and  as  they  looked  upon  Braddock  and 
his  army,  as  upon  the  Governor  and  people  of 
this  Colony,  and  were  arrogantly  treated  by  the 
General,  who  endeavored  to  drill  his  white  and 
Indian  troops,  as  he  would  drill  European  soldier^, 

*  He  had  learned  to  swear  "  with  our  army  in  Flanders." 


ill 


In  Colonial  Days, 


127 


they  refused  to  help  him  at  the  decisive  moment.* 
The  General's  efforts  to  impart  European  military 
discipline  to  his  troops,  a  long  delay  in  procuring 
wagons  and  horses  for  the  provisions  and  the  forage, 
kept  the  army  in  the  camp  near  Fort  Cumberland 
until  late  in  May.  "  The  28th  of  that  month  the 
first  division  of  his  army  began  the  march  over  the 
Alleghany  Mts."+  and  could  reasonably  expect 
to  be  successful,  for  it  was  supposed  that  "  not  above 
500  Frenchmen,  besides  Indians,  were  at  the  fort  on 
the  Ohio;"  the  newsj  sent  by  Lieutenant  Holland, 
May  10  and  12,  1755,  that  two  parties  of  300  French 
each  besides  Indians,  and  by  Captain  Broadstreet, 
May  29,  that  950  French  with  nine  cannons  had  passed 
Oswego  on  their  way  to  Ohio,  and  that  others  were 
said  to  be  under  orders  for  the  same  place,  could  as 
yet  not  have  reached  Virginia.  Indian  report  was 
also  of  a  nature  to  buoy  up  the  hope  of  success  for 
the  English  arms.  The  French  were  said  to  intend 
retreat  from  and  perhaps  dismantling  of  the  fort  on 
the  Ohio  on  sight  of  Braddock's  army,§  and  Brad- 
dock  made  his  plans  accordingly.  He  sent  for  guns 
and  ammunition  to  be  used  in  the  fort  on  the  Ohio 
"  if  he  should  succeed  in  taking  it,  which  I  do  not  in 
the  least  doubt  of,"§  says  Governor  Dinwiddle. 

On  the  loth  of  June  the  last  detachment  of  the  3,000 
men,  composing  General  Braddock's  army,  marched 

*  N.Y.  Col.  Hist.,  VII,  22.  ~        ~~^. 

f  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  50. 

X  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,Coun.  Min.,  XXV,  32  and  43. 

§  Dinwiddle  Papers,  II,  69.  • 


128 


The  Ohio  Valley 


,.:| 


over  the  Alleghany  mountains*  and  was  about 
to  meet  the  fate,  of  which  they  did  not  dream,  while 
parties  of  French  and  Indians  devastated  the  Eng- 
lish settlements  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  in  Hampshire,  Frederick  and  Augusta 
counties  and  on  Holston  river.f 

Governor  Dinwiddle,  though  distressed  by  the  ac- 
count of  ravages  committed  by  the  French,  was  still 
in  buoyant  hopes,  that  the  army,  sent  to  drive  them 
from  their  stronghold  on  the  Ohio,  would  put  a  stop 
to  their  further  proceeding  in  this  direction,  when  the 
news  came,  which  wiped  away  all  these  hopes  at  one 
fell  blow.  "  I  wrote  you  two  days  ago  the  account,"J 
he  writes  to  Lord  Halifax  on  the  25th  of  July,  1755: 
"we  had  from  the  Ohio  of  the  defeat  of  our  forces, 
death  of  Gen'  Braddock  &c.  I  then  was  in  hopes 
these  acc^"  were  false,  but  alas !  last  night  I  had  an 
express  confirming  these  melancholy  news." 

The  battle  of  the  9th  of  July,  1755,  has  been  so 
often  described,  that  a  relation  of  it  would  appear 
superfluous,  were  it  not  by  one  of  the  participants  in 
the  expedition,  though  not  in  the  battle.  Captain 
John  Rutherford,  the  writer  of  the  following  letter, 
was  a  member  of  the  Council  of  New  York  and  com- 
manded one  of  the  New  York  companies. 

"  I  have  delayed  writing  this  week  past  out  of  vex- 
ation at  our  proceedings  here,  but  now  a  Retreat  is 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  73. 
f  lb.  90-1. 
X  lb.  117. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


129 


ordered  and  the  blow  struck  to  our  shame  and  the 
Glory  of  the  Indians  who  with  a  very  few  Canadians 
amongst  them  have  entirely  defeated  our  General 
and  the  Division  of  our  Troops  which  he  carried 
alongst  with  him  and  what  is  worst  of  all  our  Train 
of  Artillery  is  left  in  their  hands  which  ruins  all 
hopes  of  doing  any  thing  this  way.  Sir  Peter  Halket 
was  killed  in  the  field  regretted  by  all  mankind  and 
his  son  Lieut.  Halket,  his  son  Major  Halket  came 
off  unwounded  with  a  few  ofificers  more,  all  the  rest 
killed  or  returned  wounded,  many  very  dangerously 
amongst  whom  are  the  General  and  Sir  John  S*  Clair, 
Capt.  Gates  has  a  slight  wound,  L'  Semain  killed  and 
L*  Miller  returned  unwounded,  Capt  Gates  with  50 
of  his  men  having  marched  with  the  first  division 
and  my  Company  and  Capt.  Demires  with  the  re- 
mainder of  his  under  Lieut.  Spearing  marched  in  the 
second  division,  except  a  few  of  our  men  who  had 
gone  up  to  the  first  division  with  a  convoy  of  Pro- 
visions ;  the  slaughter  on  our  side  is  surprising  con- 
sidering General  Braddock  had  1,500  and  I  dont 
believe  the  Indians  had  300  but  they  chose  a  very 
advantageous  Ground  within  9  miles  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  The  general  Told  us  he  would  never  be  5 
miles  from  us,  so  that  the  one  division  might  support 
the  other  whenever  attacked  ;  what  made  him  change 
his  resolution  and  order  Col°  Dunbar  to  keep  us  be- 
hind with  Provisions  and  tired  Waggon  Horses, 
God  knows,  it  seems  Infatuation :  he  thought  he 
had  Men  enough  and  was  vain  of  his  Artillery. 
17 


I30 


The  Ohio   Valley 


We  had  no  attacks  upon  us  but  small  scalping 
parties." 

Another  letter  gives  a  pict'ire  of  a  warfare  in  those 
days.  It  is  from  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  to 
Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania. 

"  Annapolis, /«/v  15,  1755. 

...  "I  have  not  received  any  letters  from  the 
General  or  the  Camp  since  the  22**  of  June,  but  one 

M' ,  who  belongs  to  the  train  wr.  a  letter  to  a 

Gentleman  of  this  town,  dated  near  the  Great 
Meadows  the  i"*  of  this  month,  says  on  the  9***  of 
last  month  the  whole  Army  except  600  men  with  Sir 
Jn°  St  Clair,  who  march**  two  days  before,  went  from 
Wills  Creek  &  with  Infinite  difificultys  thro  the  worst 
roads  in  the  world  arrived  10  days  afterwards  at  the 
little  Meadows,  where  an  Abatie  was  made  by  Sir 
John  &  two  Engineers  encircling  the  whole  Camp — 
here  the  whole  halted  3  days,  then  the  Baronett  with 
his  party  moved  forward  &  the  second  day  after  the 
General  with  four  Howitzers,  four  twelve  pounders, 
13  Artillery  Waggons,  beside  Ammunition  Carts  fol- 
lowed him  &  have  kept  marching  ever  since  &  this 
Evening  tis  Expected  his  Excellency  will  be  within 
25  miles  of  the  fort  —  Coll°  Dunbar  with  the  re- 
mainder of  the  Army,  four  Artillery  Officers,  84  Car- 
riages with  Ordinance  stores  and  all  the  provision 
waggons  form  the  rear  amongst  whom  I  am.  The 
night  before  last  we  were  Alarm**  four  different  times 
by  the  Sculking  Indians,  on  whom  our  out  Guards  & 
Gentries  fired  —  tis  said  this  morning  the  General 


In  Colonial  Days. 


131 


has  had  advice  that  5cx>  regulars  are  in  full  march  to 
the  fort,  which  is  the  reason  he  is  determined  to  be 
there  before  them.  As  we  had  but  very  little  pro- 
visions since  we  left  the  post  at  Wills  Creek,  the 
Officers  as  well  as  private  men  have  been  &  still  are 
Extremely  111  with  the  flux, —  many  have  died, —  to- 
morrow morning  we  march  again  &  are  to  Encamp  on 
the  Western  side  of  the  great  meadows,  from  whence 
we  are  to  proceed  after  the  General,  but  am  fearfull 
it  will  not  be  before  we  have  built  some  fortyfications 
there  &  Leave  a  strong  Party  of  men  with  a  Great 
Deal  Provisions  &  Artillery  Stores  —  our  horses 
being  so  weak  for  want  of  food  &  rest,  that  It  is 
Impossible  for  the  whole  Rear  to  joyn  the  front  in 
five  &  twenty  Days."* 

To  complete  the  account  of  the  battle  a  French 
report  is  given  here,  which  says  :f  "  M.  de  Contre- 
coeur,  Captain  of  Infantry,  Commandant  at  Fort 
Duquesne  on  the  Ohio,  having  been  informed,  that 
the  English  were  taking  up  arms  in  Virginia  for  the 
purpose  of  coming  to  attack  him,  was  advised, 
shortly  afterwards,  that  they  were  on  the  march.  He 
dispatched  scouts,  who  reported  to  him  faithfully 
their  progress.  On  the  i  f^  (?)  instant,  he  was  ad- 
vised, that  their  army  consisting  of  3,000  regulars 
from  Old  England,  were  within  six  leagues  of  this 
fort.  That  officer  employed  the  next  day  in  making 
his  arrangements :  and  on  the  9**^  detached  M.  de 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LXXXI,  78;  Penn.  Col.  Records,  VII,  477. 
f  N.  Y.  Co         St.,  X,  303,  reprinted  in  Pennsylvania  Archives,  2d  Ser.. 
VI.  256. 


132 


The  Ohio   Valley 


h 


f.'! 


iMfl^^j 


Beaujeu,  seconded  by  Mess"  Dumas  and  de  Lignery, 
all  three  Captains,  with  four  Lieutenants,  6  Ensigns, 
20  Cadets,  100  Soldiers,  100  Canadians  and  600 
Indians,  with  orders  to  lie  in  ambush  at  a  favorable 
spot,  which  he  had  reconnoitred  the  previous  evening. 
The  detachment,  before  it  could  reach  its  place  of 
destination,  found  itself  in  the  presence  of  the  en- 
emy within  three  leagues  of  that  fort.  M'  de 
Beaujeu,  finding  his  ambush  had  failed,  decided  on 
an  attack.  This  he  made  with  so  much  vigor  as  to 
astonish  the  enemy,  who  were  waiting  for  us  in  the 
best  possible  order ;  but  their  artillery  loaded  with 
grape  {h.  cartouche),  having  opened  its  fire,  our  men 
gave  way  in  turn.  The  Indians  also,  frightened  by 
the  report  of  the  cannon  rather  than  by  any  damage 
it  could  inflict,  began  to  yield,  when  M.  de  Beaujeu 
was  killed.  M.  Dumas  began  to  encourage  his  de- 
tachment. He  ordered  the  officers  in  command  of 
the  Indians  to  spread  themselves  along  the  wings  so 
as  to  take  the  enemy  in  flank,  whilst  he,  M.  de  Lig- 
nery and  the  other  officers,  who  led  the  French,  were 
attacking  them  in  front.  This  order  was  executed  so 
promptly,  that  the  enemy,  who  were  already  shouting 
their  "  Long  live  the  King,"  thought  now  of  only 
defending  themselves.  The  fight  was  obstinate  on 
both  sides  and  success  long  doubtful ;  but  the  enemy 
at  last  gave  way.  Efforts  were  made,  in  vain,  to 
introduce  some  sort  of  order  in  their  retreat.  The 
whoop  of  the  Indians,  which  echoed  through  the 
forest,    struck  terror   into  the  hearts  of  the  entire 


In  Colonial  Days. 


m 


enemy.  The  rout  was  complete.  We  remained  in 
possession  of  the  field  with  six  brass  twelves  and 
sixes,  four  howitz-carriages  of  fifty,  1 1  small  royal 
grenade  mortars,  all  their  ammunition  and  generally 
their  entire  baggage.  Some  deserters,  who  have 
come  in  since,  have  told  us,  that  we  had  been  en- 
gaged with  only  2,000  men,  the  remainder  of  the 
army  being  four  leagues  off.  These  same  deserters 
have  informed  us,  that  the  enemy  were  retreating  to 
Virginia  and  some  scouts,  sent  as  far  as  the  height 
of  land,  have  confirmed  this  by  reporting,  that  the 
thousand  men,  who  were  not  engaged,  had  been 
equally  panic  stricken  and  abandoned  both  pro- 
visions and  ammunition  on  the  way.  On  this  intelli- 
gence a  detachment  was  dispatched  after  them,  which 
destroyed  and  burnt  everything  that  could  be  found. 
The  enemy  have  left  more  than  1,000  men  on  the 
field  of  battle.  They  have  lost  a  great  portion  of 
the  artillery  and  ammunition,  provisions,  as  also  their 
General,  whose  name  was  M""  Braddock  and  almost 
all  their  officers.  We  have  had  3  officers  killed,  2 
officers  and  2  cadets  wounded.  Such  a  victory,  so 
entirely  unexpected,  seeing  the  inequality  of  the 
forces,  is  the  fruit  of  M.  Dumas'  experience  and  of 
the  activity  and  valor  of  the  officers  under  his  com- 
mand." 


CHAPTER   VI. 


The  French  Masters  of  the  Ohio  Valley. 

Although  the  defeat  of  the  English  troops,  who 
had  encountered  the  enemy,  could  hardly  have  been 
more  decisive  and  humiliating,  because  300  French 
and  600  Indians  had  almost  annihilated  1,300  English 
soldiers,  Governor  Dinwiddle  was  still  intent  upon 
carrying  out  his  plan  of  driving  the  French  from  the 
Ohio.  The  feeling,  that  this  defeat  was  a  disaster 
which  could  be  made  use  of  in  obtaining  further  help 
against  the  French,  was  shared  by  others.  Secretary 
Richard  Peters,  of  Pennsylvania,  writes  to  Governor 
de  Lancey,  of  New  York,  July  19,  1755  :* 

....  **  The  defeat  is  not  general.  The  Army  was 
in  2  Divisions  in  the  First  of  which  marched  the 
General,  having  with  him  1300  men,  4  Howitzers,  4 
12  pdrs.  &  13  Art^  Waggons.  The  second  was  com- 
manded by  Col.  Dunbar  and  had  not  marched  further 
than  Two  Miles  West  of  the  great  meadows,  distant 
from  Fort  Duquesne  Sixty  Miles,  having  with  him 
the  heavy  baggage.  Ordinance  Stores,  the  Provisions 
and  greatest  part  of  the  waggons. — The  General  was 
advanced  within  Five  miles  of  Fort  Duquesne  and 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  MSS.,  LXXXI,  85. 


The  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days.  135 


marching  in  a  narrow  Way  on  the  S^**  or  9^  Instant 
when  he  was  attacked  b\  a  large  Number  of  French 
and  Indians  and  beat,  but  not  killed  as  was  said,  and 
was  making  a  fine  Retreat  to  Col.  Dunbars  part  of 
the  Army." 

The  reader  may  ask,  where  were  the  Indians, 
friendly  to  the  British,  a  so  important  factor  in  Colo- 
nial warfare  ?  Governor  Dinwiddie  propounds  the 
same  question  and  answers  it  as  follows  :*  "  The  Six 
Nations,  so  many  as  are  in  the  British  Int't,  were 
engaged  with  Gen^  Shirley  and  Johnson  on  the 
Expedit's  to  Niagara  and  Crown  Point.  The 
Twightwees,  who  I  verily  think  are  in  our  interest, 
are  on  the  other  Side  the  Ohio  and  I  believe  [were] 
prevented  from  serving  us  by  the  Fr.  being  between 
them  and  us.  Those  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  who  I 
had  reason  to  think  were  in  our  Interest,  were  over- 
awed by  the  Fr.  and  their  Indians,  only  Moneca- 
toocha  their  Chief,  and  a  few  of  their  People,  rem'd 
at  F*  CumbTd,  march'd  with  the  Gen''  and  shew'd 
their  attachm't  to  us  by  doing  every  Th'g  in  their 
Power  for  our  Service.  The  So'ern  Ind's,  viz*:  the 
Cherokees  and  Catawbas,  I  have  been  these  18  mo's 
endeavour'g  to  get  a  No.  of  them  to  join  our  Forces, 
they   seriously   promised.      The    Fr.,    who   are 


w 


ch 


always  on  the  watch,  knowing  their  Intent's,  in  March 
last  sent  14  of  their  Ind's  to  perswade  to  lie  Neuter, 
or  declare  War  ag'st  So.  Caro.  and  they  would  assist 
them,  or  get  a  Meet'g  with  the  Go'r  of  y't  Province 


*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  224. 


136 


The  Ohio   Valley 


il  ' 


to  have  some  Presents  for  their  Interest.  The  last 
Proposal  prevailed,  w*^^  answer'd  the  Ends  of  the  Fr. 
They  kept  them  at  a  distance  from  the  Scene  of 
Action." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  was  eager  to  renew  the  at- 
tempt against  the  French.  He  wrote  to  Colonel 
Dunbar,  July  26,  1755  :*  "  Dear  Colonel,  is  there  no 
Method  left  to  retrieve  the  Dishonor  done  to  the 
British  Arms  ?  As  you  now  Comm'd  all  the  Forces 
y*  remain  are  you  not  able,  after  a  proper  Refreshm't 
of  your  Men,  to  make  a  second  Attempt  to  recover 
the  Loss  we  have  Sustained  ?  You  must  still  have 
remain'g  upwards  of  1600  Men  and  I  have  called  the 
Assembly  of  this  Dom'n  to  meet  next  Tuesday  next 
come  Week,  w'n  I  think  I  can  promise  You  a  Rein- 
forcement of  at  least  400  Men.  .  .  .  Why  cannot  we 
recover  the  Train  [of  Artillery]  in  the  same  Manner 
as  the  Enemy  took  them.  You  have  four  Mo's  now 
to  come  of  the  best  Weather  in  the  Year  for  such  an 
Expedition.  As  our  Forces  under  Gen^  Shirley  are 
marched  and  before  y^  I  suppose  attacked  Niagara 
and  Colo.  Johnson, f  I  believe,  has  prevailed  with  the 
Six  Nations  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  ag^*  the  French, 
and  I  suppose  that  Gent,  is  gone  ag^*  Crown  Point, 
w*^**  no  doubt  the  Forces  at  F^  Duquesne  are  appris'd 
of  and  naturally  will  go  up  the  River  Ohio  to  the 
Assist'ce  of  these  Places,  and  will  remain  satisfied 
and  secure  y*  no  Attempt  y^  Year  will  be  made  on 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  ii8. 
f  Sir  W"  Johnson  of  New  York. 


.iili 


In  Colonial  Days. 


137 


the  Ohio,  under  y',  y""  Security,  w*  may  You  not  do  if 
You  march  over  the  Mount^  the  Beginning  of  Septbr. 
.  .  .  .  It's  my  duty  to  H.  M'y,  as  Gov"^  of  y^  Domi'n, 
to  make  the  above  Proposal  to  You,  w*'**  if  it  meets 
^th  yr  Approbat'n  or  that  of  a  Council  of  War,  will 
give  me  much  Pleasure." 

The  Virginia  Assembly  roused  itself  to  energy  and 
voted  quickly  ;^40,ooo,  with  the  help  of  which  the 
Governor  was  to  raise  a  force  of  1,200  men.  But 
the  Council  of  War  decided  against  this  project  of 
Dinwiddie  and  Colonel  Dunbar's  unauthorized  action 
made  it  impossible.  Although  more  than  forty  miles 
from  the  scene  of  Braddock's  defeat  and  therefore 
not  in  immediate  danger  of  an  attack,  which  consid- 
ering the  number  of  troops  under  his  command  he 
might  easily  have  repulsed,  he  destroyed  all  the  am- 
munition and  provisions  in  his  camp  and  in  the  mid- 
dle of  summer  marched  with  his  whole  force  to 
Philadelphia  to  go  into  winter  quarters.  Governor 
Dinwiddie  was  in  despair  over  this  untoward  break- 
ing down  of  his  calculations  and  now  could  do  nothing 
more  than  to  make  arrangements  to  protect  the  Eng- 
lish settlers  and  Indian  allies  on  the  frontiers.  Unin- 
tentionally the  French  helped  him  by  outrages, 
"  devastation  and  murders  "*  in  Indian  villages  on 
the  Holston  and  New  rivers.  He  ordered  forts  to 
be  built  on  these  two  streams,  probably  next  to 
Walker's,  the  first  European  establishments  in  that 
part  of  the  present  United  States.     Doctor  Thomas 


*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  189. 


18 


138 


The  Ohio   Valley 


J.  Ill 
;  liii 


$ 


Walker,  belonging  to  an  even  at  that  time  old  or 
long-settled  Virginia  family,  had  crossed  Powell's 
valley  in  1 748  and  gave  the  name  of  Cumberland  to 
the  lofty  range  of  mountains  west  of  Virginia.  The 
remarkable  depression  in  this  chain  received  from 
him  the  name  of  Cumberland  Gap,  and  the  Sha- 
wanese  river  that  of  Cumberland.  In  a  previous 
chapter  a  map  is  mentioned  which  speaks  of  "  Walk- 
er's, an  English  settlement,"  in  1 750.  Doctor  Walker 
crossed  Clinch  and  Powell  rivers  into  Kentucky 
again  in  1 760,  probably  with  Daniel  Boone.  Gover- 
nor Dinwiddle,  through  his  agents,  asked  the  Chero- 
kees  to  assist  in  keeping  the  French  with  their 
Shawanese  allies  out  of  this  territory,  and  a  party  of 
130  Cherokees*  joined  200  Virginia  Rangers  to 
attack  the  French  Indians  in  their  towns.f  Their 
hoped  for  success  was  expected  to  be  of  great  service, 
for  these  allies  of  the  French  committed  "  monstrous 
and  barbarous  murders  in  the  back  country." 

But  French  diplomacy  and  statescraft  prepared 
unforeseen  difficulties.  The  Creek  Indians  were 
induced  by  it  to  make  war  on  South  Carolina  and 
their  native  allies,  of  whom  the  Chickasaws  bore  the 
first  brunt,  while  French  emissaries  and  priests  were 
busy  among  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees.  To  coun- 
teract their  efforts  Governor  Dinwiddle  was  obliged 
to  put  his  hands  into  the  public  treasury  and  draw 
out  ;^5oo  for  presents,  which  two  members  of  his 

*  Dinwiddle  Papers,  II,  294. 
f  lb.  320. 


Illlii 


In  Colonial  Days. 


139 


Council,  Peter  Randolph  and  William  Byrd,  were 
commissioned  to  bring  to  them.  These  agents  had 
authority  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the 
Cherokees  and  their  allies,  and  for  a  wonder !  they 
succeeded,  for  which  we  may  assume  they  were  more 
indebted  to  the  hatred  of  the  French,  aroused  in  the 
Indians*  hearts,  than  to  their  skill  in  treating  with  a 
race,  which  though  God's  creatures  like  themselves, 
the  English-speaking  nations  do  not  consider  any 
more  entitled  to  reasonable  treatment,  than  an  hun- 
gry wolf. 

The  experiences  of  the  preceding  winter  had 
already  demonstrated  that  it  would  be  necessary  to 
punish  our  erratic  friends,  the  Shawanoes.  In  No- 
vember, 1755,  they  were  reported  as  having  gone 
south  to  join  the  Creeks,  who  were  enemies  of  the 
Cherokees.*  This  tribe,  faithful  to  their  English 
friends,  sent,  as  stated  before,  a  detachment  of  130 
warriors  to  co-operate  with  Virginia  Rangers  in  an 
attack  upon  the  Shawanoe  towns,  and  Major  Andrew 
Lewis  was  appointed  to  the  chief  command  of  this 
expedition,t  but  after  struggling  for  six  weeks 
through  the  woods,  it  had  to  be  declared  unsuccess- 
ful. The  rivers  which  were  to  be  crossed,  had  over- 
flowed their  banks,  swollen  by  thawing  snow  and 
spring  rains;  canoes  with  provisions  and  ammunition 
were  upset,  and  the  valiant  warriors  were  finally 
obliged  to  kill  their  horses  for  food.     The  Sandy 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  279. 


I40 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Creek  expedition,  though  well  prepared  and  fairly 
well  managed,  had  proved  a  failure,  because  no  atten- 
tion had  been  paid  to  climatic  conditions.  A  possible 
retaliation  upon  their  Cherokee  enemies  by  the  Sha- 
wanoes  and  their  friends,  Indian  and  French,  had, 
however,  to  be  made  ineffectual,  and  the  best  means 
for  doing  so  was  the  construction  of  a  fort  in  the 
Cherokee  country.  The  Cherokees  were  willing  to 
have  an  English  fort  in  their  country  and  Major 
Andrew  Lewis  was  appointed  to  superintend  the  con- 
struction of  it.  In  pursuance  of  the  instructions 
given  him  by  Governor  Dinwiddie,  Major  Lewis  was 
to  march  to  Chotte,*  in  the  country  of  the  Cherokees, 
and  to  build  there  the  fort,  in  which  undertaking  it 
was  hoped,  men  sent  by  the  Governor  of  South  Caro- 
lina would  assist.  Although  the  South  Carolinians 
were  rather  slow  in  coming  to  the  work.  Governor 
Dinwiddie  could  write  to  Major  Lewis  in  August, 
1 756  :f  •*  I  am  very  glad  the  fort  was  so  forward 
when  you  wrote  me,  and  that  it  was  so  agreeable  to 
the  Cherokees,  w*^^  they  write  is  entirely  to  their  sat- 
isfaction." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  was  wedded  to  the  idea  of 
driving  the  French  out  of  the  Ohio  valley  and  having 
now  secured  a  firm  alliance  with  the  Cherokees  and 
presumably  their  friends,  he  began  to  plan  a  new 
expedition  against  the  French,  but  he  was  met  by 
unexpected  obstacles  to  carry  it  out.     "  I  am  glad," 

*  On  or  near  Holston  river, 
f  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  486. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


141 


he  writes  to  Colonel  Washington,  May  8*^  1756,* 
"the  Ind'*  are  gone  over  the  All'y  Mount's,  but  I 
can't  believe  them  so  numerous  as  represented,  unless 
they  have  prevailed  upon  the  Twightwees  to  join 
with  'em,  and  I  am  of  Opin'n  if  You  c'd  send  a 
Message  to  them  by  some  trusty  Ind'n  to  let  *em 
know  our  Intent's  ag*  the  Fr.,  and  the  No.  of  War- 
riors sent  by  Y"^  Father,  the  King,  to  exterpate  the 
Fr.  and  to  protect  Y'  Lands,  they  w'd  continue  Steddy 
in  our  Int't,  for  they  will  never  forget  the  Insults  and 
Murd's  comitted  ag^'  'em  by  the  Fr.  in  1752.  ..  .  As 
to  a  Plan  of  Operation,  what  can  I  concert,  when  our 
neighbouring  are  asleep  and  afford  us  no  assistance  ? 
No  great  Gunns  or  Engineers  to  attack  their  Fort, 
which  I  much  desire  to  be  on  the  offensive,  but  as 
we  are  now  situated,  we  can  only  remain  on  the  de- 
fencive  to  protect  our  frontiers."  If  the  plan  of 
union,  proposed  and  discussed  at  Albany  in  1754, 
had  become  operative.  Governor  Dinwiddie's  plans 
might  have  found  support  in  the  other  Colonies,  for 
through  Sir  William  Johnson's  clever  management 
the  Shawanoes  and  Delawares,  important  allies  of  the 
French,  had  been  induced  to  join  the  British.  He 
had  been  stirred  up  to  use  his  best  efforts  for  this 
purpose,  among  others  by  the  following  letter,  writ- 
ten at  Philadelphia,  by  Daniel  Claus,t  April  5,  1756: 
"  This  Province  is  at  present  in  the  most  deplorable 

*  Dinwiddle  Papers,  II,  406. 
■  ■  f  Lieutenant  and  later  Captain  60*''  (Roy*  American)  Reg*.  Son-in-law  of 
Sir  W"*  and  one  of  his  deputies  in  Indian  affairs. 


142 


The  Ohio  Valley 


situation.  The  Governors  Party  and  the  Quakers 
(whose  head  is  Mr.  Franklin)  are  continually  in  dis- 
pute with  one  another  and  nothing  but  Confusion 
reigns  here.  The  Enemy  as  reported  is  descending 
upon  them  with  a  body  of  1600  strong.  Mr.  Peters 
is  sometimes  most  distracted  and  dreads  its  ruin  if 
things  go  on  as  they  do.  The  60,000  pounds  raised 
lately  are  expended  to  one  quarter  and  nobody  knows, 
what  good  was  done  thereby. 

*'  The  young  man,  that  made  his  escape  from  King 
Shingo,  the  Delaware,  says,  that  the  Indians  told 
him,  how  they  found  out,  that  the  English  and  French 
had  made  an  agreement  to  cut  them  off  &  then  take 
their  lands  in  possession,  but  that  they  would  pre- 
vent that  if  possible,  for  saith  they,  if  we  only  subdue 
the  English  first,  we  may  do  afterwards  what  we 
please  with  the  French,  for  we  have  them  as  it  were 
in  a  sheeps  pen  and  may  cut  them  off  at  any  time, 
for  they  had  no  liberty  to  plant  any  co'-n  yet,  tho' 
they  tried  but  it  was  forbid  them  &  we  told  them, 
that  we  did  not  give  them  liberty  to  build  that  fort 
in  order  to  make  improvements,  but  only  to  fight 
against  the  English. 

**  The  people  here  were  surprised,  that  the  6 
Nations  at  the  last  treaty  had  not  agreed  upon 
knocking  the  Delawares  and  Shawanoes  in  the  head. 
Skarouyade  told  them,  that  the  6  Nations  were  re- 
solved to  cut  them  off  in  case  they  would  not  listen 
to  the  message  they  sent  now  ;  the  Gov*^  &  Council 
then  were  wondering  that  the  treaty  was  mentioning 


In  Colonial  Days. 


143 


nothing  of  the  nature.  I  told  them  I  did  not  hear 
the  6  Nations  say  any  such  thing  in  public  nor  be- 
lieved they  believed  they  would  undertake  it,  then 
Mr.  Montour*  said,  it  was  agreed  upon  in  some  of 
their  private  councils.  They  are  now  upon  promising 
rewards  for  scalps,  ;^30  a  scalp  &  £<p  a  prisoner, 
before  they  know  the  result  of  the  6  Nations  upon 
the  answer  the  Delawares  are  to  give  to  their  late 
message.  I  am  afeared,  they  will  make  evil  worse. 
They  think  the  message  to  the  Delawares  upon  Sus- 
quehanna was  of  no  consequence  or  help,  but  mes- 
sages should  have  been  sent  to  Ohio  and  the  Indians, 
who  live  near  Fort  du  Quesne."t  Matters  were  evi- 
dently beginning  to  take  a  favorable  shape,  so  that 
Goldsborough  Banyar,  Clerk  of  the  N.  Y.  Council 
and  an  intimate  friend  of  Sir  William,  could  write 
him  April  30,  1756:  "I  am  glad  to  see  the  prospect 
increases  of  your  accommodating  matters  between 
us  and  the  Delawares  and  the  Shawnese.  Do  not 
spare  any  powers  to  accomplish  it,  you  can  hardly  do 
your  King  and  country  a  more  essential  service  and 
you'll  win  the  hearts  of  the  Quakers  by  it,  (if  that 
were  a  New  York  motive),  who  utterly  disapprove  of 
Gov'  Morris  (of  Pennsylvania)  Proclamation.''^ 

This  proclamation  was  a  declaration  of  war  against 
the  Delaware  and  Susquehanna  Indians.  Though 
hostilities  against  the  Indians,  friendly  to  the  British 

*  Indian  interpreter,  frequently  employed  by  Sir  W". 
t  Sir  W"  Johnson  Papers,  N.  Y.  State  Library,  IV,  34. 
X  lb.  40. 


144 


The  Ohio  Valley 


interest,  were  forbidden  at  the  same  time,  misrepre- 
sentations of  the  Pennsylvanian  intentions  not  only 
alarmed  the  Six  Nations,  but  threatened  also  to  pre- 
vent the  southern  tribes  from  coming  to  the  great 
meeting  at  Onondaga.  Messengers  traveled  in  all  di- 
rections to  counteract  this  bad  impression  and  in  July, 
1756,  Sir  William  could  open  the  Indian  congress, 
attended  by  the  New  York  Indians,  and  as  the  report 
of  the  proceedings*  has  it,  "  their  allies  and  depend- 
ents, the  Shawanese  and  Delawares." 

Monacatutha,  the  Half  King,t  speaking  for  these 
latter,  said  :  "  You  desire  to  know  of  us,  why  those 
of  our  people,  who  have  committed  several  murders 
upon  the  English  have  not  appeared  at  this  meeting 
and  what  were  their  reasons  for  their  committing 
hostilities  on  their  brethren  without  any  provocation. 

"  Brother,  we  know  the  reason  and  will  tell  you  it 
here  before  the  Six  Nations  and  all  present,  for  we 
are  not  afraid  to  speak  the  truth  before  any  nation 
or  people.  Last  year  the  French  brought  a  powerful 
army  into  our  country  and  soon  after  the  English 
marched  another  army,  which  appeared  to  us  like  two 
Clouds  hanging  over  us  ;  we  looked  on  till  the  battle 
was  over  and  then  we  found  some  of  the  Six  Nations 
with  the  French  hatchets  in  their  hands  killing  the 
English  and  as  we  were  in  strict  alliance  with  the  Six 
Nations,  we  thought  it  our  duty  to  do  the  same,  yet 
we  did  not  immediately  strike.  J     Some  of  our  young 

*  Sir  W"^  Johnson  Papers,  N.  Y.  State  Library,  IV.  77. 
f  An  Oneida  chief. 

X  From  here  to  %%  relates  to  the  Shawanese  on  the  Ohio  according  to  a 
note  in  the  original. 


i. 
11 


f  • 


In  Colonial  Days. 


145 


men  soon  after  killed  some  hogs  belonging  to  the 
English,  which  exasperated  the  English  so  much, 
that  they  struck  their  hatchets  into  our  heads  and 
then  we  declared  war  against  the  English,  but  we 
have  found,  that  we  have  acted  wrong,  for  which 
reason  we  hope,  our  brethren,  the  English,  will  par- 
don us  for  what  is  past,  as  we  laid  down  our  hatchets, 
as  soon  as  we  were  convinced  we  were  wrong."  J  J 

The  Shawanese  King  added  :  "  We  were  first  set- 
tled at  Shahandowana  (Wyoming)  and  upon  our 
brothers  application  we  left  that  place  and  came  and 
settled  upon  a  branch  of  Susquehannah.  Brother, 
you  may  naturally  conclude,  we  could  have  no  bad 
intentions  towards  the  English,  by  our  removing 
nearer  to  them  and  I  assure  you,  that  we  neither 
have  been  nor  will  be  concerned  in  any  hostilities 
against  them." 

When  a  few  days  later  the  conference  ended,  all 
the  troi'^les  with  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  were 
considered  settled,  and  in  opposition  to  Morris  of 
Pennsylvania,  Governor  Belcher  of  New  Jersey  disap- 
proved strongly  of  any  warlike  measures  against  the 
Indians,  with  whom  Sir  William  Johnson  had  just 
treated.*  The  French  at  Fort  du  Quesne,  provisioned 
by  way  of  the  Illinois,  were  expecting,  that  the  result 
of  the  Onondaga  conference  would  be  in  their  favor. 
The  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  writes  home  in  August, 
i756:t 

*  Sir  Wm  Johnson  Papers,  IV,  87. 
t  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  X,  436. 


nil!. 


ill! 


iilii 


146 


The  Ohio   Valley 


"  The  Iroquois  of  the  vicinity  of  Fort  du  Quesne 
have  almost  all  retired  to  the  mouth  of  Riviere  aux 
Boeufs  on  a  belt  from  the  Five  Nations.  M.  Dumas, 
Commander  at  Fort  du  Quesne,  is  very  glad  to  be 
rid  of  them.  His  affairs  will  only  improve,  as  soon 
as  he  thoroughly  understands  the  disposition  of  the 

Delawares  and  Shawanese   towards  them M. 

Dumas  had  received  the  provisions,  which  he  had 

demanded  from  Illinois I  knew  that  the  route 

from  the  Illinois  to  Fort  du  Quesne  was  as  fine  as 
could  be  desired.  Chevalier  de  Villiers,  who  com- 
manded the  escort  of  these  provisions,  came  up  as 
far  as  Fort  du  Quesne  with  a  bateau  of  18  thousand 
weight.  This  little  convoy  makes  known  to  this 
Colony  a  sure  communication  with  the  Illinois,  whence 
I  can  derive  succor  in  provisions  and  men,  sooner  and 
more  easily  than  from  the  heart  of  this  Colony. 

"  M.  de  Villiers'  report  shows  more  strongly  than 
ever  the  necessity  of  erecting  a  fort  at  the  falls*  to 
secure  that  communication.  ...  I  made  in  1746  the 
like  representations  to  the  Court,  which  authorized 
me  to  have  that  fort  erected ;  but  its  execution  was 
neglected  owing  to  circumstances  and  since  then  there 
has  not  been  any  further  question  of  it." 

The  Shawanese  seem  to  have  been  a  tribe,  upon 
whose  word  little  dependence  could  be  placed,  unless 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  complacently  deceives  himself 
by  continuing  in  the  above  letter  as  follows :  "  M. 
Dumas  has  sent  me  two  young  warriors,  Chaouanons, 

*  Now  Louisville,  Ky. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


147 


who  are  attached  to  him.  They  have  assured  me,  on 
the  part  of  their  chiefs  and  their  entire  nation,  of  the 
pleasure  they  experienced  at  seeing  me ;  that  from 
the  first  moment  they  had  learned  of  my  arrival,  they 
had  wholly  declared  for  the  French  ;  that  they  have 
given  me  proof  thereof  in  the  battle  we  gave  the 
army  of  General  Braddock ;  that  they  were  resolved 
never  to  quit  the  French  and  to  die  with  them.  I 
have  warmly  received  these  Chaouanons.  The  wel- 
come I  have  given  them  will  not  fail  to  excite  the 
envy  of  the  other  Indians  on  the  Beautiful  River  to 
follow  the  same  route." 

No  doubt,  perhaps,  that  the  Shawanese  and  Dela- 
wares,  conferring  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  on  July 
16,  were  in  earnest,  when  they  promised  to  live  in 
peace  with  their  English  brethren,  for  in  the  days 
when  no  steamships  raced  across  the  Atlantic  nor  an 
electric  wire  carried  sparks  under  it,  news  from 
Europe  came  much  slower  and  the  declaration  of 
war,  issued  in  London  May  17,  1756,  did  not  reach 
Northern  New  York  before  the  end  qf  July.*  Their 
subsequent  attitude  justified,  however,  Vaudreuil's 
hope,  for  in  the  following  December  Edmund  Atkin, 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  the  Southern 
Colonies,  writes  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  :t  "  Sir  Wil- 
liam (Johnson)  told  me,  that  the  6  Nations  were 
weakened  and  in  fact  distressed,  some  of  the  West- 


*  Governor  Hardy,  of  New  York,  received  the  Declaration  of  War  on  the 
27th  of  July,  while  at  Albany,  and  notified  his  subordinates  of  it  from  there. 

+  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.  Vn,  209. 


148 


The  Ohio   Valley 


liilli 


ern  Nations  having  fallen  off  from  their  allegiance, 
and  the  Shawanese  and  such  of  the  Delawares  as  live 
upon  the  Ohio,  who  had  been  subject  to  them,  having 
been  set  up  and  supported  in  an  Independency  upon 
them  by  the  French  still  continuing  Hostilities 
against  the  People  of  some  of  our  Colonies,  contrary 
to  their  orders."  The  same  Mr.  Atkin  successfully 
endeavored  to  reconcile  the  Iroquois  of  New  York 
with  the  Southern  Indians  and  to  extract  from  them  a 
permission  for  the  Cherokeesand  their  allies,  to  make 
war  on  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  of  the  Ohio 
Valley.  Governor  Dinwiddie  had  labored  hard  during 
the  preceding  summer,  to  keep  the  Cherokees  in  the 
British  alliance,  and  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  them 
eager  for  a  fray  with  the  French  on  the  Ohio.  A 
fort  had  been  built  in  the  Upper  Cherokee  country, 
which  pleased  the  natives  very  much  and  **  they  have 
engaged  to  send  in  hear  400  of  y''  Warriors  to  pro- 
tect our  front's.  .  .  .  The  retain'g  of  these  People  in 
our  Int't  is  an  essential  piece  of  Service  at  y^  time,  as 
the  Fr.  have  been  long  endeavour'g  to  get  them  from 
us."*  But  the  Governor  had  not  taken  into  con- 
sideration that  "  the  Indians  are  a  most  inconstant  and 
unfix'd  Set  of  Mortals,  and  laying  aside  all  Treaties, 
Promises  and  Engagements,  are  always  ready  to 
Join  with  the  strongest  Side  and  no  longer  there 
than  they  have  success."f  Two  months  after  he  had 
rejoicingly  reported  that  the  Cherokees  were  firm  in 

*  Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  520. 

fib'  539.  .      . 


iii'i 


In  Colonial  Days, 


149 


the  British  interest,  he  learned  that  they  were  waver- 
ing and  had  to  begin  his  negotiations  with  them 
anew  with  the  result,  that  the  report  of  their  defec- 
tion was  not  perfectly  true.  At  the  same  time  came 
reports  of  "  All  quiet  on  the  Frontiers,"  for  the 
French  and  their  Indians  had  not  molested  the  back 
settlements,  probably  on  account  of  the  winter  and 
consequent  bad  roads. 

The  summer  of  1757  saw  no  combined  effort  made 
to  expel  the  French  from  the  Ohio  and  we  have  only 
to  note  small  skirmishes  and  military  chess-playing. 
Lieutenant  Baker,  of  Washington's  detachment  at 
Fort  Loudon,  with  a  scouting  party  of  five  soldiers  and 
fifteen  Cherokees  had  the  good  fortune  to  surprise 
and  rout  a  similar  party  of  French,  of  whom  they 
killed  two  officers  and  captured  the  third,  at  the  head 
of  Turtle  creek,  two  miles  fromo  Frt  du  Quesne. 
The  death  of  the  Indian  chief  commanding  the 
Cherokees  prevented  a  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy.* 

*  N.  Y.  Coll.  MSB,,  LXXXIV,  94. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


'u  II 


l!| 


The  Flag  of  S"^  George  Floats  Again  over  the 

Ohio  Valley. 

Colonel  John  Stanwix,  commanding  the  First  Bat- 
talion of  the  Sixtieth  or  Royal  American  Regiment, 
was  at  this  time  in  charge  of  the  military  affairs  in 
the  southern  department  with  head-quarters  at  Car- 
lisle, Pennsylvania.  The  following  letter,  written  by 
him  to  Governor  Denny,  of  Pennsylvania,  from 
"Camp  near  Carlisle,"  June  19,  1757,  gives  an  insight 
into  the  difficulties,  under  which  war  was  carried  on 
in  the  Colonies  even  by  such  an  experienced  officer 
as  Colonel  Stanwix  was,  and  affords  also  a  picture  of 
the  condition  of  affairs. 

"...  I  only  wait  for  Waggons  to  march  for  Ship- 
pensburgh,  but  when  I  shall  be  able  to  set  out  it  is 
impossible  to  say,  as  in  two  days  Notice  I  have  yet 
been  able  to  get  but  two  Waggons.  .  .  .  The  reasons 
of  my  moving  is  the  hearing  of  Intelligence  from 
Captain  Dagworthy,  who  commands  at  Fort  Dag- 
worthy,  which  I  give  you  in  his  own  words  : 

"  '  Sir 

"  *  Fort  Cumberland, y««^  17,  1757. 
"  *  Six  Cherokee  Indians,  who  just  now  came  from 
Fort  Duquesne  say,  that  six  days  ago  they  saw  a 


The  Ohio  Valley  m  Colonial  Days,         151 

large  body  of  Troops  march  from  that  Garrison,  with 
a  Number  of  Waggons  and  a  Train  of  Artillery  and 
by  their  Rout  must  intend  an  Attack  on  this  Garri- 
son. Two  days  afterwards  these  Indians  saw  the 
Army  on  their  March  on  this  side  the  place  where 
General  Braddock  was  defeated. 

"  *  Sir,  yours  etc  John  Dagworthy  * 

" .  .  .  Col.  Washington  thinks  that  their  next  object 
must  be  Fort  Loudoun  likewise  in  a  bad  Condition. 
Col.  Washington  intends  to  pursue  the  Resolution 
of  a  Council  of  War,  which  is,  viz  :  "  That  as  Rein- 
forcing this  Garrison  is  absolutely  necessary,  that  the 
Detached  enfeebled  Situation  of  the  Garrisons  on  the 
South  Branch  must  make  them  fall  an  easy  Prey  to 
the  Enemy,  and  that  as  drawing  them  all  to  one  place 
on  the  Branch  would  be  giving  up  all  the  Settlements 
except  that  place,  which  (supposing  it  would  be  main- 
tained) would  by  no  means  be  of  such  Consequence 
as  reinforcing  this  Important  place,  that  therefore 
they  ought  to  be  ordered  here  immediately."* 

A  few  days  before  Washington  hac  'nformed  him 
from  Fort  Loudon,  that  "  if  the  Enemy  is  coming 
down  in  such  numbers  and  with  such  a  Train  of  Artil- 
lery, as  we  are  bid  to  expect.  Fort  Cumberland  must 
inevitably  fall  into  their  hands,  as  no  Efforts  can  be 
timely  made  to  save  it."f 

Fort  Cumberland,  however,  was  not  taken,  not 
even  invested,  but  the  country  along  the  border  suf- 

*  N.  Y.  Coll.  MSB.,  LXXXIV,  97. 
t  lb.,  LXXXIV,  95. 


152 


7'Ae  Ohio   Valley 


fered  from  the  incursions  of  the  French  Indians. 
The  picture  given  of  the  condition  of  affairs  by  the 
Rev.  Claude  Godfroy  Cocquard  in  a  letter  to  his 
brother,*  which  describes  Georgia,  Carolina,  Mary- 
land and  Pennsylvania  as  "wholly  laid  waste,"  is 
perhaps  overdrawn,  the  brush  having  been  dipped  too 
deep  into  French  patriotism,  for  other  English 
sources  inform  us,  that  the  garrisons  at  Forts  Loudon, 
Cumberland,  etc.,  protected  the  farmers  and  settlers 
to  the  best  of  their  abilities.  The  same  Reverend 
Father  reports  under  date  of  October  6,  1757,  that  a 
party  of  300  English  horsemen  went  to  surprise  or 
burn  a  Delaware  village  on  the  Ohio  and  that  they 
were  repulsed  by  five  Canadians  and  the  Indian  in- 
habitants of  the  village,  losing  twenty-five  killed  and 
two  prisoners.  During  the  whole  year  1,757  messages 
were  carried  to  all  the  Indian  tribes  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies  to  confirm  their  alliance  with  the  French,  for 
though  he  never  confessed  it  in  his  letters.  Gover- 
nor Vaudreuil  must  have  felt  that  the  closing  scenes 
of  this  bloody  drama  were  to  be  enacted  shortly,  and 
that  as  France  with  its  war  in  Europe  could  not 
afford  to  support  him  sufficiently  against  the  troops, 
which  England  was  pouring  into  her  Colonies,  it  be- 
hooved him  to  make  the  most  of  his  Indian  allies. 
His  letter  to  M.  de  Machault,t  dated  April  19,  1757, 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  X,  528,  reprinted  in  Pennsylvania  Arch.,  2d  Series, 
VI,  387. 

f  Jean  Baptiste  Machault  d'Arnouville,  President  of  the  Grand  Council 
1738,  Comptroller-General  of  Finances  1745,  Keeper  of  the  Seals  1750, 
Minister  of  the  Colonies  1754,  exiled  July,  1757.  Fort  Machault  on  French 
creek,  Pa.,  called  after  him. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


153 


gives  an  account  of  his  endeavors  to  secure  the 
Indians  in  the  French  interest  and  the  success  he 
had  :  "  In  the  letter  (of  Octob"^  11)  I  did  myself  also 
the  honor  to  observe  that  my  negotiations  with  the 

Flatheads*  were  more  and  more  successful A 

Canadian  of  Detroit,  who  has  since  several  years 
been  adopted  by  that  Nation  and  to  whom  I  had  se- 
cretly transmitted  a  letter,  that  he  should  endeavor, 
without  too  marked  a  zeal,  to  induce  the  Flatheads 
to  unite  with  the  French,  wrote  to  the  Commandant 
of  Fort  du  Quesne,  that  the  Flatheads  had  received 
my  message  with  pleasure ;  that  four  of  them  were 
setting  out  to  convey  the  message  of  the  chiefs  to 
the  Hurons  and  to  advise  the  Commandant  of  Fort 
du  Quesne  of  the  intentions  of  their  nations.  This 
Canadian  added  that  he  was  himself  going  on  the 
part  of  the  Cherakees  to  carry  their  message  to 
Mobile;  that  all  the  Indians  were  making  arrange- 
ments to  do  well  for  the  French.  .  .  .  This  letter 
was  confided  to  the  Chaouanon  chief  of  Sonniatof 
by  two  Flatheads,  who  were  desirous  of  going  to 
see  the  Commandant  of  Fort  du  Quesne,  whilst  the 
other  messengers  would  proceed  on  with  a  Chaouanon 
chief  to  convey  to  Detroit  the  belt  with  which  they 

were  intrusted  on  the  part  of  the.r  chiefs The 

Flathead  deputies  arrived  at  Detroit  and  held  a  grand 
council  with  M.  de  Muy  on  the  10^''  of  January. 
They  commenced  by   asking  me  for   peace   and 

*  Choctaws  on  de  I'lsle  Map. 
f  Scioto,  Ohio. 
20 


i 


lli'li! 


lUii! 


154 


The  Ohio   Valley 


testified  to  all  the  Indian  Nations  the  desire  they  felt 
to  be  admitted  into  the  number  of  our  allies  ;  and  as 
soon  as  they  should  learn  my  sentiments  more  posi- 
tively, than  by  the  messages,  transmitted  to  them  in 
my  name,  they  would  return  in  greater  numbers  and 
with  stronger  messages. 

They  asked  pardon  for  all  their  faults  and  said : 
That  they  held  on  to  the  English  by  almost  nothing 
and  that  their  hand  would  slip  from  them  the  moment 
I  should  protect  them  and  that  all  the  nations  were 
desirous  of  living  in  peace  with  them. 

That  if  I  would  promise  to  supply  their  wants  as 
I  did  those  of  the  other  nations,  they  would  entirely 
abandon  and  strike  the  English. 

The  Chaouanons,  who  accompanied  the  Flatheads 
to  Detroit,  told  them  they  had  obeyed  my  message 

and  had  forthwith  struck  the  English M.  de 

Muy  received  by  these  messengers  a  letter  from  a 
Canadian,  who  is  also  adopted  in  that  tribe,  wherein 
he  informs  him,  that  the  Cherakis  and  Flatheads  are 
really  desirous  to  wage  war  against  the  English.  I 
have  reason  to  believe,  that  the  Flatheads  have 
already  commenced  hostilities,  because  the  Acadians 
who  have  deserted  from  Carolina  have  assured  me, 
that  the  Cherakis  and  Chicachaws  [Chickasaws] 
being  gone  to  Virginia  for  their  presents,  had  on 
their  return  home  destroyed  500  English  plantations,* 

*  Governor  Dinwiddie  writes  about  the  same  time  "We  have  had  148 
Cherokees,  124  Catawbas  etc  at  Fort  Loudoun.  .  .  .  The  Cherokees  have 
been  guilty  of  many  Disorders  in  marching  through  this  Country  and  killed 
a  Chickasaw  Warrior.     Dinwiddie  Papers,  II,  633. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


155 


which  appears  so  little  doubtful,  that  these  Acadians 
assert  having  seen  some  of  those  very  Englishmen, 
who  had  escaped  from  those  Indians 

My  principal  object  is  to  prevent  the  Flatheads 
from  pronouncing  against  us ;  I  observe  towards 
them  the  same  policy,  I  have  observed  towards  the 
Five  Nations,  because  if  these  Flatheads  attacked 
the  nations  on  the  Beautiful  River,  that  would  throw 
a  damp  on  their  ardor,  and  I  even  think,  that  our 
other  nations  would  not  go  willingly  to  wage  war 
against  the  English  in  those  parts. 

I  should  dare  flatter  myself  that  I  might  succeed 
in  getting  these  Flatheads  to  strike,  had  I  the  where- 
withal to  supply  their  wants ;  this  I  could  not  do,  so 
long,  as  they  will  remain  constantly  in  their  villages, 
in  as  much  as  they  will  always  be  obliged  to  have  re- 
course to  the  English  and  it  is  not  natural  to  suppose, 
that  they  wish  by  declaring  war  against  those  English 
to  expose  themselves  to  a  lack  of  everything,  there- 
fore it  is  desirable  we  could  afford  them  an  asylum. 
This  is  a  matter  of  more  urgency  than  apparent. 
The  English  employ  all  their  resources  to  induce 
those  Nations  to  unite  with  them  and  it  would  be 
highly  dangerous  should  they  succeed,  for  they  have 
projected  the  erection  of  a  fort  and  the  building  of 
large  bateaux  in  the  villages  of  those  Indians,  for 
the  purpose  of  going  by  the  Ouabache  to  attack  the 
Illinois  or  at  least  surprise  the  Louisiana  convoys. 

It  would  be  indispensable  to  establish  a  post  at  the 
falls  of  the  Beautiful  River,  to  secure  the  communi- 


I 


1,1 
if 


m>' 


iljliin 


156 


TAe  Ohio   Valley 


ifi"" 


cation  of  Canada  with  Louisiana The  soil  at 

these  falls  invites  settlements.  If  we  could  have 
some  permanent  ones,  we  should  hold  the  Flatheads 
and  Cherakis  in  check."* 

The  attitude  of  all  the  Indian  tribes,  living  in  or 
connected  with  the  Ohio  Valley,  was  a  matter  of 
importance  not  only  to  the  French,  but  also  to  the 
English  authorities.  The  purchase  of  large  tracts 
of  land,  made  at  Albany  by  Pennsylvania  in  1 754, 
although  consented  to  by  some  of  the  tribes  in  in- 
terest, had  not  the  approval  of  all.  The  Six  Nations 
expressed  their  dissatisfaction  unreservedly  at  a  meet- 
ing with  Governor  Denny,  of  Pennsylvania,  held  at 
Lancaster  in  May,  1757;  they  confirmed  a  report 
brought  to  Sir  William  Johnson  by  Margaret  Wil- 
liams,f  who  had  been  a  prisoner  among  the  Dela- 
wares  and  upon  her  release  had  told,  that  she  heard  the 
Indians  frequently  and  solemnly  declare,  they  would 
never  leave  off  killing  the  English  as  long  as  there 
was  an  Englishman  living  on  their  lands  .  .  .  .  "  which 
the  English  had  cheated  them  out  of."  Other  reports 
were  still  more  alarming.  Alexander  McClure,  of 
Pennsylvania,  an  Indian  trader  at  Chenussio  in  the 
Seneca  country,  was  told  by  a  Delaware,  coming 
from  Niagara,  that  all  the  French  Indians  from  the 
north  side  of  the  lakes  were  to  destroy  the  Mohawk 
country  and  the  Indians,  living  south  of  the  lakes, 
and  then  attack  Fort  Cumberland  and  the  Southern 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hiot.,  X,  539,  and  Penn.  Arch.,  2d  Series,  VI,  395. 
fib.,  VII,  331. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


157 


Colonies.*  But  British  gold,  added  in  large  quanti- 
tities  to  British  diplomacy,  proved  an  irresistible 
agent  and  kept  the  wavering  Indians  fairly  in  the 
British  interest.  George  Croghan,  Sir  William  John- 
son's deputy  in  Pennsylvania,  labored  with  the  Dela- 
wares  and  some  of  the  Six  Nations  so  successfully  at 
Easton,  Pennsylvania,  during  July  and  August,  1757, 
that  he  could  report,  "  the  grand  Council  of  the  Six 
Nations,  which  sat  two  months,  has  unanimously 
agreed  to  oppose  the  French  measures  and  hold  fast 
by  the  chain  of  friendship  subsisting  between  the 
English  and  them."t  Mohawks  and  Senecas  of  the 
Six  Nations  and  Cherokees  from  the  south  verified 
this  to  Sir  William  in  a  meeting  at  Fort  Johnson, 
New  York,  in  the  following  September:  "We  are 
warriors  and  our  nation  have  lifted  their  ax  against 
the  French  and  are  determined  not  to  lay  it  down, 
whilst  there  is  a  man  amongst  us  left  alive. "J  The 
Cherokees  appear  to  have  been  specially  aroused 
against  the  French.  Delegates  from  this  nation  with 
"several  others  from  the  Southward,  viz.:  Oghna- 
goes,  Nanticokes  and  Connoys,  had  first  consulted 
with  the  Six  Nations,  with  the  above  result,  and  then 
extended  an  invitation  to  the  English  to  renew  and 
strengthen  the  covenant  chain."§ 

The  year  1757,  now  drawing  towards  its  close,  had 
been  an  uneventful  one  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  as  far  as 

*  Sir  Wm.  Johns'*!!  Papers,  IV,  31. 

t  N.  Y.  Col.  Hi       VII,  285. 

X  lb.,  325. 

§  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  Papers,  IV,  148,  154.  ' 


M 
''li 


158 


7!^^  Okto   Valley 


military  operations  are  to  be  considered.  But  the 
political  movements  of  the  same  year  had  been  of 
importance  for  the  whole  question  of  French  do* 
minion.  The  weakness  of  the  English  Ministry  had 
become  so  patent  in  the  spring  of  1757,  that  Pitt,  one 
of  the  most  able  statesmen  of  his  day,  had  been 
called  to  its  head.  America  was  to  him  the  object 
of  the  greatest  solicitude.  He  relieved  Loudoun 
from  the  command  in  the  Colonies,  for  which  he  had 
shown  only  mediocre  ability.  The  Colonies  were 
admonished  to  recruit  troops  for  an  active  campaign 
and  encouraged  to  do  so  by  a  promise  of  having  the 
expenses,  incidental  to  such  an  increase  of  the  army, 
refunded  by  the  home  government ;  the  Colonial 
military  officers  were  given  equal  rank  with  the  offi- 
cers of  the  Royal  troops.  All  this  infused  new  life 
into  the  attempts  to  drive  the  French  out. 

Three  expeditions  were  planned  by  the  English, 
two  of  which  must  be  mentioned  here,  because  their 
results  affected  the  proceedings  of  the  third  against 
Fort  du  Quesne.  The  first  against  Louisburg,  under 
Amherst  and  Wolfe,  deprived  the  French  of  about 
6,000  soldiers,  who  became  prisoners  of  the  English 
forces  upon  the  fall  of  Louisburg.  The  second,  un- 
der Abercrombie  and  Howe,  which  was  to  attack 
Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga  and  thereby  open  a 
new  road  to  Canada,  was  not  so  successful.  Lord 
Howe  fell  and  the  more  or  less  incompetent  Aber- 
crombie, his  successor  in  command,  managed  to  lose 
2,000  men.     But  a  detachment  of  this  army,  com- 


I 


In  Colonial  Days. 


159 


manded  by  Colonel  Bradstreet,  had  the  good  luck  to 
strike  a  blow,  which  was  decisive  for  the  fate  of  Fort 
du  Quesne.  Fort  Frontenac  and  the  French  navy  on 
Lake  Ontario,  fell  into  the  hands  of  this  officer  on 
the  27th  of  August,  1758.  This  loss  threw  the 
French  authorities  into  consternation.  "  Every  thing 
is  now  to  be  feared  for  Fort  Niagara,"  says  M.  Doreil, 
commissioner  of  war,  in  a  letter  to  Marshall  de  Belle 
Isle,  announcing  the  disaster.  "  Canada  is  lost,  if 
peace  be  not  made  this  winter."* 

"  We  are  expecting  news  from  the  Beautiful  River, 
where  a  corps  of  8,000  men  was  to  operate  under  the 
orders  of  General  Forbes,"  writes  Montcalm  to  M. 
de  Cremille,  Assistant  Minister  of  War,  in  Octo- 
ber, 1758.+  He  probably  did  not  expect  these  news 
to  be  very  cheerful,  for  he  writes  at  the  same  time  to 
Marshall  de  Belle  Isle,  the  Minister  of  War,  that  M. 
de  Ligneris,  the  commander  at  Fort  du  Quesne,  and 
M.  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Canada,  are  of  opinion 
General  Forbes  would  have,  besides  his  white  troops, 
a  great  many  Indians  with  him.  "  The  Five  Nations," 
says  he,  "  are  always  assuring  us  of  their  attachment 
and  receiving  presents  from  the  English.  Their 
hearts  are  with  the  latter  and  their  fears  with  us. "J 

The  first  attempt  of  the  English  to  recover  Fort 
du  Quesne  was  not  successful.  General  Forbes  had, 
for  good  military  reasons,  followed  Washington's  ad- 

*  N.  y.  Col.  Hist.,  X,  819. 
t  lb.,  856. 
t  lb.,  861. 


i6o 


The  Ohio  Valley 


% 


vice  and  taken  a  different  road  from  that  of  Brad- 
dock's.  On  his  march  through  the  wilderness  he 
built  Fort  Bedford,  at  Raystown,  and  finally  reaching 
the  Loyalhannon  creek,  fifty  miles  from  du  Quesne, 
he  established  his  head-quarters  there  settling,  down 
for  a  diplomatic  campaign  with  the  Indians,  in  which 
he  was  effectually  assisted  by  an  agent,  Christian 
Frederik  Post,  sent  by  Governor  Denny,  of  Penn- 
sylvania.* Military  operations  were,  however,  not 
neglected,  and  at  first  they  led  to  disaster.  Major 
James  Grant,  of  the  Montgomerie  Highlanders, 
started  out  with  a  command  of  about  800  men  from 
the  camp  on  the  Kiskiminitas,  for  an  expedition 
against  Fort  du  Quesne.  On  the  third  day  of  their 
march,  the  15th  of  September,  1758,  they  were  within 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  fort.  From  here  Major 
Grant  sent  out  a  detachment  to  attack  all  the  Indians 
and  others  found  outside  of  the  fort ;  they  saw  none 
nor  were  they  seen  by  any  body  of  the  enemies,  but 
in  returning  they  foolishly  announced  their  presence 
by  setting  fire  to  a  large  store-house,  upon  which  they 
had  stumbled.  This,  very  naturally,  aroused  the 
French,  who  immediately  made  a  sally  and  drove  the 
enemy  off.  French  accounts  claim  that  the  English 
speedily  took  to  their  heels  and  were  pursued  for  two 
hours,  losing  between  600  and  700  men.  Major 
Grant,  four  other  officers  and  about  100  men  were 
taken  prisoners.     From   English    reports  we  know 

*  See  Second  Journal  of  C.  F.  Post,  London,  1759. 


IHi 


In  Colonial  Days. 


i6i 


only,  that  Major  Grant  was  captured  and  the  whole 
expedition  frustrated.* 

But  the  days  during  which  the  French  could  main- 
tain themselves  at  Fort  du  Quesne  were  nu'^bered. 
The  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac  and  of  the  fleet  on 
Lake  Ontario  made  it  impossible  to  increase  the  gar- 
rison of  the  fort  or  to  supply  it  with  provisions. 
Even  the  small  victory  gained  in  September  became 
a  source  of  increased  weakness,  for  the  Indians,  hith- 
erto acting  under  French  orders,  who  had  helped  to 
repulse  Major  Grant's  command,  immediately  on  re- 
turning from  their  pursuit,  quitted  Fort  du  Quesne 
to  seek  their  villages.  De  Ligneris  and  his  officers 
found  it  impossible  to  retain  them. 

This  defection  of  near  600  Indian  warriors  reduced 
the  number  of  troops  garrisoning  du  Quesne,  to  barely 
1,000,  commanded  by  Marchand  de  Lignery,  an  offi- 
cer of  considerable  military  experience,  gained  during 
more  than  twenty  years'  service  in  America.f  Vau- 
dfeuil  and  Montcalm  were  not  in  position  to  send  suc- 
cor to  the  threatened  post,  the  occupants  of  which  had 
learned  by  intuition,  that  Forbes  intended  to  capture 
it,  even  if  it  took  the  whole  of  the  ensuing  winter  to  do 
it.  Illness  kept  this  General  more  abed,  than  he  prob- 
ably liked.  He  complained  that  he  had  to  spend,  his 
time  "  between  business  and  medicine,"  but  his  stub- 
born Scotch  head  knew  not  such  words  as  "  give  up." 

*  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  X,  884,  888,  902. 

\  He  made  the  campaign  against  the  Fox  Indians  (1732),  against  the  Chica- 
saws  at  Fort  I'Assomption.  Tenn.  (1739),  against  the  Mohawks  with  Chev. 
de  la  Corne  (1747). 

21 


l62 


The  Ohio   Valley 


i  ! 


•*  I  have  the  Pleasure  and  Honour,"  he  writes  to 
Governor  Denny,  of  Pennsylvania,  from  "  Fort  du 
Quesne  or  now  Pittsburg,"  on  Nov*""  26,  1758,  "of 
Acquainting  you  with  the  Signal  Success  of  his 
Majesty's  Troops  over  all  his  Enemys  on  the  Ohio, 
by  having  obliged  them  to  Burn  and  abandon  their 
Fort  du  Quesne,  which  they  effectuated  on  the  24*'* 
Instant,  And  of  which  I  took  Possession  with  my 
little  Army  the  next  Day."* 

Captain  de  Ligneris  having  destroyed  all  he  could, 
according  to  orders  received  for  such  an  emergency, 
retired  to  Fort  Machault.f  He  was  to  remain  here 
for  various  purposes,  first  to  support  the  Indians  who 
had  remained  faithful  to  the  French  interest,  and 
then  to  annoy  the  English  and  force  them  to  a  diver- 
sion. The  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  argued  that  the 
enemy  would  find  it  extremely  difficult  to  make  a 
movement  towards  Lake  Erie  because  of  the  consid- 
erable preparations  and  obstacles  attending  efforts  to 
provision  a  large  force  in  a  country  "where  the 
ground  is  capable  of  being  defended  inch  by  inch."J 
He  had  ordered  the  commanders  at  the  Illinois  and 
at  Detroit  to  send  to  Presqu'ile  all  the  men  they  could 
spare,  and  did  not  relinquish  the  hope  of  once  more 
having  the  Fleur  de  Lys  replace  the  Cross  of  St. 
George  over  Fort  du  Quesne.  It  appeared  to  him 
an  easy  matter,  if  he  or  his  subordinates,  only  could 

*  Pennsylvania  Archives,  VIII,  232. 

f  At  the  mouth  of  French  Creek,  Pennsylvania. 

X  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  X,  952. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


163 


induce  the  Indians  of  that  section  to  take  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  English. 

But  the  Indians  had  discovered,  that  the  French 
treasury  had  become  so  thoroughly  depleted,  that  the 
officers  of  this  nation  could  no  longer  compete  in 
quantity  and  quality  of  presents  with  the  English, 
hence  the  reports  from  Canada  in  April,  1759,  had  to 
say,  that  the  Indian  nations  on  the  Beautiful  River 
had  undoubtedly  made  their  peace  with  the  English 
since  the  loss  of  Fort  du  Quesne.  For  the  security 
of  their  reconquered  possession  troops  poured  into 
the  disputed  territory  to  reinforce  the  post  of  Fort 
Pitt  and  assist  in  establishing  and  garrisoning  the 
new  fortifications  considered  necessary.  The  first 
of  these  new  posts  on  the  Attique  river,*  built  be- 
fore the  preceding  winter  had  set  in,  had  already 
served  the  English  at  a  somewhat  critical  moment. 
Captain  Aubry,  commanding  some  Louisiana  troops, 
sent  to  help  their  brethren  on  the  Ohio,  had  fallen 
upon  a  detachment  of  British  soldiers,  killed  and  cap- 
tured about  150  of  them,  and  sent  the  rest  to  take 
refuge  in  this  fort  in  November,  i758.f  Other 
strongholds  were  built  by  the  English,  "  one  above  the 
village  of  the  Shawanoes,J  another  at  the  river  aux 
Cannes,§  whence  they  proposed  to  proceed  to  the 

*  Loyalhannon,  later  Fort  Ligonier,  Westmoreland  Co.,  Penn. 

fN.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  X,  901. 

X  A.  map  in  the  "  American  Gazetteer,  London,  1762,  has  "  Shawnoah  or 
Lower  Shawnoes  (at  the  mouth  of  Elk  creek),  an  English  factory  400  miles 
from  the  Forks  (of  the  Mississippi)  by  water."  Another  English  factory  is 
marked  near  "  White  Woman's  creek,  a  tributary  of  the  Muskingum." 

§  Perhaps  Cane  Creek,  Lincoln  Co.,  Tenn. 


164  The  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days. 

Illinois,  and  a  third,  which  they  called  Fort  Loudon, 
on  the  river  of  the  Cherakis,  whereby  they  are  en- 
abled to  keep  in  check  the  nations  toward  Louisiana. 
Half  the  Flathead  nation  is  entirely  on  their  side 
and  the  other  half  wavers.  The  Cherokees  have 
allowed  themselves  to  be  gained  by  the  presents  of 
the  English ;  so  that  above  and  below  the  Beautiful 
River  we  need  not  flatter  ourselves  with  finding  any 
allies  among  the  Indians."* 

The  result  was  that  M.  de  Lignery  was  compelled 
to  abandon  Fort  Machault  in  July,  1759,  and  the 
Ohio  Valley  saw  no  more  French  troops  marching  to 
meet  or  to  evade  an  English  foe. 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  X. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
Indian  Wars. 

"While  the  sovereigns  of  France,  England  and 
Spain  were  signing  the  treaty  of  Paris  (Febry  Io^^ 
^7^2))y  countless  Indian  warriors  in  the  American 
forests  were  singing  the  war-song  and  whetting  their 
scalping  knives."* 

We  must  look  for  the  reason  of  this  distressing 
state  of  affairs  to  the  ignorance  and  arrogance  of  the 
English  race.  Their  contact  with  other  races  has, 
even  now,  not  yet  taught  them  that  these  other  races 
are  as  much  creatures  of  the  God  whom  all  worship, 
as  the  English.  They  forget  that  the  red  Indian  is 
a  being  who  has,  like  everybody  else,  certain  rights, 
which  must  be  respected,  if  no  bloodshed  and  ravage 
is  desired. 

In  the  days  of  which  this  chapter  Is  to  speak,  the 
Indians  were  still  a  powerful  factor  in  Colonial  politics 
and  required  diplomatic  treatment ;  the  more  so  as 
many  tribes  regretted  to  see  the  French  overpowered. 
But  British  diplomatic  acumen  had  been  dulled  by 
the  victory  and  the  English  agents  became  now  over- 

*Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac. 


1 66 


ill' 
W'i 


ml  • 

i 


iiii' 


1 


TAe  Ohio   Valley 


bearing,  instead  of  conciliating  the  former  allies  of 
the  French  and  making  them  firm  friends  of  the  con- 
querors. The  dissatisfaction  of  the  Ohio  Indians, 
dating  since  the  Albany  conference  in  1 754,  and  since 
then  smoothed  over,  revived  and  spread  into  all  the 
tribes  from  Lake  Superior  to  the  Great  Kanawha,  and 
from  the  Alleghany  mountains  to  the  Mississippi. 
These  sentiments  of  discontent  grew  with  the  injus- 
tice and  neglect  meted  out  to  the  Indians  by  the 
English,  who  thought  that  their  friendship  was  now 
of  no  consequence,  and  curtailed  the  supplies  of 
powder,  etc.,  upon  which  the  red  man  had  learned  to 
rely  for  gaining  a  livelihood. 

Sir  William  Johnson  had  warned  the  Lords  of 
Trade  in  August,  1762,  of  the  uneasiness  among  the 
Indians  and  had  stated,  what  he  feared  would  be  the 
consequences,  giving  at  the  same  time  his  opinion  on 
the  best  method  of  preventing  an  outbreak.*  While 
still  continuing  his  warnings,  the  first  blow  was  struck 
by  the  Indians. 

Pontiac,  an  Ottawa  chief  of  great  intrepidity  and 
eloquence,  who  with  his  warriors  had  helped  to  de- 
feat Braddock  in  1755,  had  gathered  about  him  the 
dissatisfied  members  of  the  Chippeways,  Miamis, 
Delawares,  Shawanese  and  other  tribes  with  inten- 
tion of  driving  the  English  from  the  territory  west 
of  the  Alleghany  mountains.  We  cannot  help  ad- 
miring the  successful  manner,  in  which  he  concealed 
his  designs,  when  we  consider  the  large  number  of 

*  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  Papers. 


In  Colonial  Days.  167 

individuals  necessarily  cognizant  of  this  conspiracy 
and  the  vast  area  affected  by  it. 

A  detachment  of  English  troops,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Cuyler  and  on  the  way  to  relieve  Detroit, 
had  been  defeated,  Sandusky  had  been  destroyed. 
Forts  St.  Joseph  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Joseph, 
near  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan,  and  Fort  Michilli- 
mackinack  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Indian 
conspirators  before  lue  Ohio  Valley  proper  was  made 
to  feel  the  disturbance.  Fort  Ouatanon,  on  the 
Wabash,  a  little  below  the  present  town  of  la  Fayette, 
was  taken  by  a  stratagem  on  the  ist  of  June,  1763. 
It  might  perhaps  be  more  appropriate  to  say  the  Eng- 
lish garrison  of  Ouatanon  became  the  prisoners  of  the 
Indians  by  the  careless  arrogance  of  the  command- 
ant. Lieutenant  Edward  Jenkins,  who  had  walked 
into  the  Indian  quarters  unattended,  for  a  confer- 
ence, and  was  immediately  bound,  whereupon  the  rest 
of  the  garrison  surrendered  without  resistance.* 

Presqu  'Isle,  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  followed 
with  considerable  loss  of  English  lives,  and  this  neces- 
sarily led  to  the  fall  of  the  neighboring  little  posts 
of  Le  Boeuf  and  Venango. 

Le  Boeuf  had  been  built  by  the  French  when  they 
first  came  to  occupy  the  Ohio  Valley  in  1753.  It 
stood  on  the  south  or  west  fork  of  French  creek, 
almost  surrounded  by  it  and  a  small  branch,  of  which 
it  foims  a  kind  of  island.     Four  housesf  composed 

*  Parkman,  Conspiracy. 

f  "  Built  of  wood  stokadoed  Triangularwise  and  has  two  Logg  Houses  in 
the  inside."  Deposition  of  Stephen  Cotfen,  prisoner  of  the  French  since 
1747,  made  January  10, 1754.    N.  Y.  Col.  MSS. 


1 68 


The  Ohio   Valley 


1 


the  sides  ;  the  bastions  were  of  poles  driven  into  the 
ground,  standing  more  than  twelve  feet  above  it  and 
sharp  at  the  top,  with  port-holes  cut  for  cannons  and 
loop-holes  for  small  arms.  Eight  cannons  were 
mounted  in  each  bastion  and  one  four-pounder  before 
the  gate.  In  the  bastions  were  a  guard-house,  a 
chapel,  surgeon's  lodgings  and  commandant's  private 
store.  It  stood  on  the  present  site  of  Waterford, 
Erie  county,  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Indian  name  of 
the  place  was  Casewago.* 

Venango,  at  the  confluence  of  French  creek  and 
the  Alleghany  river,  was  still  an  Indian  town  when 
Washington  passed  through  it  on  his  mission  to  Le- 
Gardeur  de  S*  Pierre,  the  commander  of  the  French 
at  le  Boeuf,  in  1753.  An  English  trader.  Eraser, 
had  established  himself  here  and  had  been  the  first 
to  suffer  from  the  Gallic  invasion.  The  forces  sta- 
tioned at  le  Boeuf  constructed  here,  about  1755,  a 
fort  or  an  outpost  for  the  upper  posts,  and  in  1855,  i^ 
is  said,  the  ruins  of  Fort  Venango  or  Fort  Machault 
were  still  visible  at  Franklin,  Pennsylvania.  It  had 
been  400  feet  square,  with  embankments  eight  feet 
high.f 

Up  to  the  latter  end  of  May  the  Indians  around 
Fort  Pitt  and  the  growing  settlement  there  had  re- 
frained from  doing  harm  to  the  white  intruders.  It 
is  true,  they  acted  in  a  manner  to  excite  suspicion, 
but  it  would  not  have  done  for  an  Englishman  to 


*  Penna.  Archives,  XII,  387,  and  Penna.  Col.  Rec,  V,  659. 

f  Sargent,  Braddock's  Expedition,  p.  41.    Egle's  Pennsylvania,  694,  1123. 


In  Colonial  Days,  169 

take  any  notice  of  it.  The  blow  came  sudden.  "  We 
have  most  melancholy  Accounts  here. — The  Indians 
have  broke  out  in  several  places  and  murdered 
Colonel  Clapham  and  his  Family ;  also  two  of  our 
Soldiers  at  the  Saw-mill,  near  the  Fort,  and  two 
Scalps  are  taken  from  each  man.  .  .  .  Last  Night 
eleven  Men  were  attacked  at  Beaver  Creek*  eight  or 
nine  of  whom,  it  is  said,  were  killed — And  Twenty- 
Five  of  Macrae's  and  Allison's  Horses,  loaded  with 
Skins,  are  all  taken. "f  The  Delawares  and  Shawa- 
nese  did  not  intend  to  be  behind  their  red  brethren 
on  the  lakes,  in  avenging  themselves  on  the  Eng- 
lish for  more  or  less  real  and  fancied  wrongs,  suffered 
at  their  hands. 

Captain  Ecuyer,  in  command  at  Fort  Pitt,  was 
able  to  keep  the  enemy  out  of  this,  by  them  so  cov- 
eted stronghold.  "  The  Savages  have  absurdly  made 
a  show  of  attacking  Fort  Pitt  and  some  of  the  Posts 
below,  but  have  not  made  any  impression  on  the 
smallest  post  on  that  communication,"  writes  Sir 
Jeffrey  Amherst,  July  23,  1763.  J 

In  this  part  of  the  country  the  Indians  fared 
even  worse.  Not  only  could  they  not  make  "  any 
impression  "  on  any  post,  but  they  even  suffered  de- 
feat. They  had  extended  operations  to  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Alleghany  river  as  far  as  Fort  Augusta§ 

*  Beaver  creek  empties  into  the  Ohio  below  Pittsburg, 
f  From  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  No.  1798. 
X  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  529. 
§  Now  Sunbury,  Pennsylvania. 
22 


170 


Thf^Ohio   Valley 


'!ii.i 


on  the  Susquehanna  and  other  places  outside  the 
valley  of  the  Ohio.  But  within  the  Ohio  limits  Fort 
Ligonier,  on  Loyalhannon  creek,  had  been  furiously 
attacked  by  Indians  about  the  same  time  as  le  Boeuf 
and  Venango  to  the  north.  They  had  been  beaten 
after  a  hard  day's  fighting.  Meanwhile  troops  were 
advancing  from  the  east  to  take  a  hand  in  this  Indian 
drama.  They  were  commanded  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Henry  Bouquet,*  a  Swiss  officer  of  the 
Royal  Americans,  who  had  marched  over  this  road 
with  General  Forbes  a  few  years  before.  He  met 
the  foe  near  Bushy  Run,  about  ten  miles  east  of 
Pittsburgh,  on  the  5th  and  6th  of  August,  "  engaged 
them  from  noon  to  night  successfully,  but  returned 
at  night  to  cover  the  provisions  and  the  wounded. 
The  next  day  the  Indians  surrounded  the  little  army 
and  advanced  to  the  attack  furiously,  but  Colonel 
Bouquet  had  made  such  a  disposition  to  receive  them, 
and  the  behavior  of  the  troops  was  so  firm  and  reso- 
lute, that  the  Savages  gave  way,  had  not  the  courage 
to  support  their  attempt  and  were  pursued  for  a  con- 
siderable distance  with  great  slaughter.  The  Eng- 
Hsh  loss  was  50  men  killed  and  60  wounded. "f 

A  few  days  later,  on  the  nth  of  August,  Colonel 
Bouquet  could  date  his  report  to  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  from  Fort  Pitt,  and  say  : 
"We  Arrived  here  Yesterday  without  further  Oppo- 

*  He  had  originally  been  an  officer  in  the  army  of  the  King  of  Sardinia, 
joined  the  troops  of  Holland  in  1755  and  then  the  Royal  Americans. 
fN.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  545. 


In  Colonial  Days.  171 

sition  than  Scattered  Shots  along  the  Road.  The 
Delawares,  Shawanese,  Wyandots  and  Mingoes  had 
closely  Beset  and  Attacked  this  Fort  from  the  27'** 
July  to  the  First  Instant,  when  they  Quitted  it  to 
March  against  us."* 

The  (Country  south  of  Fort  Pitt  and  further  down 
the  Ohio  was  not  allowed  to  remain  undisturbed. 
The  population  of  the  intervales  in  the  present  West 
Virginia  was  still  a  thin  one  and  scattered,  but  large 
enough  t.o  excite  the  bloodthirstiness  of  the  Indians. 
Virginia  had  contributed  her  share  for  the  protection 
of  the  frontier  settlements  by  sending  Colonel  Adam 
Stephens  with  400  to  500  militia  to  Forts  Cumber- 
land and  Bedford  in  the  Potomac  region,  while  a 
similar  body  of  men  under  Colonel  Lewisf  marched 
to  the  southwestern  frontier  for  the  same  purpose, 
but  could  not  prevent  the  butchering  of  the  people 
living  at  the  little  settlement  of  Greenbrier  and  as- 
sembled at  the  fortified  house  of  Archibald  Glenden- 
ning.J 

Pennsylvania  had  done  nothing  to  protect  her  fron- 
tiers and  the  people  there,  so  that  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst 
cannot  be  blamed  for  writing :  "  What  a  contrast 
this  [the  sending  of  troops  under  Stephens  and 
Lewis]  makes  between  the  conduct  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians  and  Virginians,  highly  to  the  honor  of  the 

*  Extract   from  MS.  Letter  in  Parkman,  Conspiracy   of  Pontiac,  342. 
f  Colonel  Andrew  Lewis  commanded  in  the  Sandy  Point  expedition,  1774, 
and  was  a  brigadier-general  during  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 

X  Parkman,  Conspiracy,  383. 


172  The  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days. 

latter,  but  places  the  former  in  the  most  despicable 
light  imaginable."*  It  required  Bouquet's  march  and 
the  victory  at  Bushy  Run  to  show  to  the  Pennsylva- 
nians,  that  the  savage  foe  could  be  checked  in  his 
bloody  proceedings,  but  the  operations  of  James 
Smith,  Armstrong  and  others,  took  place  east  of  the 
Ohio  Valley  limits. 

The  success  at  Bushy  Run  allowed  Bouquet  to 
take  possession  of  Fort  Pitt  without  further  contest 
and  to  follow  up  his  warfare  against  the  Indian  set- 
tlements  beyond  the  Ohio  and  near  the  Muskingum. 
The  appearance  of  Bouquet  and  his  army  in  this 
neighborhood  spread  terror  and  awe  among  the  na- 
tive tribes,  who  now  reluctantly  surrendered  the  white 
captives  made  during  the  disturbance.f 

♦N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  546. 

f  Historical  Account  of  Bouquet's  Expedition,  1764,  reprinted  by  Robert 
Clarke  &  Co.,  Cincinnati,  1868. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

North  and  West  of  the  Ohio  River. 

The  first  white  man  to  erect  a  dwelling  in  Ohio 
was  the  Moravian  missionary,  Christian  Frederic 
Post,  known  to  be  a  sagacious  and  able  man,  who 
had  great  influence  among  the  Indians  ;  he  was  sent 
in  1 75 1  and  1758  by  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
on  a  mission  to  the  Delawares,  Shawanoes  and  Min- 
goes  living  then  on  the  Ohio  and  its  northern 
tributaries,  a  territory  which,  after  its  acquisition  by 
the  treaty  of  Paris,  was  declared  Crown  land  by 
King  George's  proclamation  of  October  7,  1763. 
This  proclamation  forbade  the  King's  "loving  sub- 
jects" to  make  purchases  of  land  from  the  Indians  or 
to  form  settlements  "  westward  of  the  sources  of 
the  rivers  which  fall  into  the  sea  from  the  West  and 
North- West."*  The  royal  proclamation  gave  as 
reason  for  this  ^jolicy,  that  it  was  necessary  to  con- 
vince the  Indians  of  English  justice  by  preventing 
irregularities,  and  it  may  be  that  in  1 763,  this  was 
thought  to  be  a  good  and  sufficient  reason. 

Royal  proclamations  and   orders   had,   however, 

*  London  Magazine,  1763,  pp.  541,  et  seq. 


174 


The  Ohio^' Valley 


aniiiifii; 


little  weight  with  the  settler  and  the  hunter,  who 
lived  principally  by  the  products  of  the  chase, 
and  who,  by  penetrating  into  the  tabooed  regions, 
had  helped  to  bring  on  the  Indian  war  of  1/64.  This 
war  had  put  a  stop  to  the  enterprises  of  the  Ohio 
and  the  other  land  companies  which  were  now  re- 
vived under  a  plan  to  buy  out  the  French  settlers  in 
the  Illinois  country.*  But  the  scheme  proved  infeas- 
ible  and  the  earlier  projects  were  all  merged  into 
"  Walpole's  Grant,"  later  called  the  "  Colony  of  Van- 
dalia."  The  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and 
plantations  were  opposed  to  this  scheme,  fathered 
by  Thomas  Walpole,  and  reported  against  it.f  A 
recent  writer  on  this  pointj  says  :  "  Such  in  clear 
and  specific  terms  was  the  cold  and  selfish  policy, 
which  the  British  crown  and  its  ministers  habitually 
pursued  towards  the  American  Colonies." 

Lord  Hillsborough,  as  Secretary  of  State,  had  ap- 
proved and  recommended  to  the  King  for  confirma- 
tion the  treaty  made  at  Fort  Stanwix  in  1768,  by 
which  the  boundary  line  between  the  Colo,  .js  in 
America  and  the  Indians  was  settled.  The  territory 
west  of  that  line  was  acknowledged  to  be  Indian 
property.  This  was  not  always  considered  an  obstacle 
ill  English  eyes  preventing  the  issue  of  a  patent,§ 

*  Bigelow's  Franklin,  I,  537;  II,  112. 

f  Appendix  F. 

±  Dr.  W.  F.  Poole  in  Chap.  IX,  The  West,  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Crit- 
ical History,  Vol.  VI. 

§  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  913,  "  An  Indian  conveyance  of  the  soil  is  un- 
necessary." 


lii 


i 


In  Colonial  Days.  175 

but  it  seems  Lord  Hillsborough  had  what  was  most 
likely  then  called  "  old-fashioned  ideas"  on  the  sub- 
ject, for  it  was  then,  as  to-day,  an  accepted  truth,  that 
the  Indian  had  no  rights,  which  a  white  man  was 
bound  to  respect.  We  can,  therefore,  hardly  call  it 
a  "cold  and  selfish  policy"  if  the  Secretary  of  State 
recalls  the  principle  of  confining  the  western  extent 
of  settlements  to  the  boundary  line  established  by 
treaty,  especially  as  the  English  ministers  had  been 
warned  that  "  the  affairs  of  land  are  more  imme- 
diately interesting  and  alarming  to  the  Indians  than 
any  thing  else."* 

Lord  Hillsborough  further  says  in  the  above-quoted 
report,  that  the  object  of  colonizing  in  North  America 
had  been  to  improve  and  extend  commerce,  and  that 
if  the  western  wilderness  were  invaded  by  settlers 
the  fur  trade  would  suffer.  This  is  truly  a  selfish 
policy,  but  it  was  not  so  much  ministerial  as  de- 
manded by  the  dealers  in  American  goods  scattered 
all  over  England,  while  the  policy  of  the  people 
living  in  the  Colonies  was  no  less  selfish.  They  were 
all  concerned  either  in  trade  or  in  lands  ;  that  is,  in 
the  pursuit  of  gain,  and,  therefore,  were  opposed  to 
all  limitations  by  the  government,  without  considering 
that  though  these  limitations  might  be  inconvenient 
to  a  few  adventurous  traders  and  pioneers,  the  weal 
of  the  community  demanded  them. 

Sir  V/illiam  Johnson,  the  Superintendent  for  In- 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  913,  "An  Indian  conveyance  of  the  soil  is  un- 
neccessary." 


ft  "J 


?.- 


■'I 


'> 


176 


T^e  Ohio   Valley 


dian  Affairs  in  the  Northern  Department,  a  man  than 
whom  probably  no  one  else  was  better  acquainted 
with  Indian  policy,  had  several  years  before  Pontiac's 
war  warned  the  authorities  in  the  respective  Colonies, 
not  to  exasperate  the  aborigines  along  the  Ohio  by 
too  much  land-grabbing  At  the  Congress  held  at 
Albany,  New  York,  in  1754,  the  Indians  proposed 
the  Alleghany  mountains  as  the  western  boundary  of 
the  Colonies,*  but  the  purchase  made  then  by  Penn- 
sylvania and  the  subsequent  appearance  of  surveyors 
on  the  Juniata  and  Susquehannah,  induced  the  Dela- 
wares,  Shawanoes,  Nanticokes  and  others  settled  in 
that  vicinity,  to  withdraw  either  to  Diohogo  or  to 
the  Ohio.  The  hatred  of  the  Delawares  against  the 
English  had  become  so  intense,  that  they  swore 
to  themselves  never  to  leave  off  killing  Englishmen 
as  long  as  there  was  one  of  this  nation  living  on 
their  lands.f 

George  Croghan,  Sir  William's  deputy,  who  had 
long  lived  and  traded  with  the  natives  west  of  the 
Ohio  river,  suggested  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  in 
1 764, J  that  a  natural  boundary  should  be  made  be- 
tween the  Indians  and  the  English  from  the  heads  of 
the  Delaware  river  in  New  York,  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Ohio,  in  order  to  prevent  a  general  defection  of 
the  Indians,  which  was  always  probable  if  the  upper 
Senecas  and  a  few  other  tribes  settled  near  Detroit 

*Sir  William  Johnson  Papers,  IV,  124. 
f  lb.,  156.     See,  also,  Appendix  G. 
X  lb.,  V,  603,  605. 


In  Colonial  Days.  177 

and   Michilimackinack,  while  Shawanoes  and  Dela- 
wares  sat  on  the  "  branches  "  of  the  Ohio. 

The  men  in  authority,  hundreds  of  miles  away  from 
the  "  frontiers,"  paid  no  attention  to  the  warnings  of 
their  agents,  and  Pontiac's  war  was  the  consequence 
of  arousing  the  Indians'  jealousies  by  encroaching 
too  near  upon  them,  by  taking  possession  of  the  lakes 
and  by  stopping  the  distribution  of  ammunition,  etc., 
among  them.* 

Can  we,  under  these  circumstances,  call  Lord 
Hillsborough's  adverse  report  on  the  petition  of 
Thomas  Walpole,  **cold  and  selfish  policy?"  The 
report  did  not  meet  with  the  approval  of  Doctor  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  upon  whose  extended  and  vigorous 
reply  to  itf  the  Privy  Council  granted  the  prayer  of 
the  petitioners.  The  grant  made  provisions  for  se- 
curing to  the  Virginia  soldiers,  who  had  served  in  the 
French  war,  the  lands  promised  for  their  respective 
services,  but  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution 
stopped  all  further  proceedings  and  the  Colony  of 
Vandalia  died  in  its  inception.  Although  this  in- 
tended new  colony  was  partly  outside  of  the  limits 
of  the  Ohio  Valley,  it  requires  mention  here,  for 
some  flourishing  towns  in  the  same  valley  owe  their 
prosperity  to  the  scheme.  George  Croghan,  when 
in  London  in  1 764,  reported  that  there  was  a  talk  in 
town  about  "  settling  a  colony  from  the  mouth  of 

*  Sir  William  Johnson  Papers,  VII,  162. 
f  Sparks'  Franklin,  IV,  et  seq. 
23 


178 


The  Ohio   Valley 


I*,-.-. 


the  Ohio  to  the  Illinois."*  This  region  had  already 
a  French  settlement  at  Fort  Chartres  on  the  Kaskas- 
kias  river,  built  in  1720,  repaired  in  1750,  and  finally 
abandoned  in  i772.f 

It  was  thought,  that  by  the  cession  of  territory 
made  by  the  treaty  of  Paris,  the  country  lying  west 
of  the  Ohio  to  its  mouth  and  up  the  Mississippi  had 
become  the  boundary  between  the  two  nations  late 
at  war,  and  that  as  the  French  would  undoubtedly 
settle  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi  it  might  be 
good  policy  to  purchase  from  the  Indians  the  lands 
east  of  that  river.  J  But  the  French  still  had  pos- 
session of  their  establishment  in  this  coveted  terri- 
tory and  the  proposition  was  made  to  capture  Fort 
Chartres,  as  that  would  establish  English  authority 
among  the  savages  with  respect  and  safety. §  The 
expedition  planned  against  the  fort  by  Colonel  Brad- 
street,  did,  however,  at  first,  not  meet  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Indians,  and  when  they  finally  withdrew 
their  objection  to  the  plan  of  dispossessing  the 
French,  they  stipulated  that  the  taking  possession  of 
the  forts  formerly  held  by  the  French  should  not  be 
considered  as  a  title  for  the  English  to  possess  the 
country,  as  they  never  had  sold  any  part  of  it  to  the 
French.  || 

It  is  difificult  to  understand  the  Colonial  Indian 

*  Sir  William  Johnson  Papers,  VIII,  202. 
f  Stoddard,  Sketches  of  Louisiana,  234. 
%  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  605. 
§  lb.,  693. 
II  lb.,  781. 


In  Colonial  Days,  179 

policy  of  the  English  authorities.  Traders,  from 
whom  the  western  Indians  could  draw  their  supplies 
of  powder  and  other  Indian  goods,  were  not  allowed 
to  go  from  Detroit  or  Michilimackinack  and  there- 
fore, says  Croghan  in  1765,  "I  am  of  opinion  the 
Indians  will  be  supplied  this  year  chiefly  from  the 
Illinois,  which  is  all  French  property,  and  if  trading 
posts  are  not  established  at  proper  places  in  that 
country  soon  the  French  will  carry  the  best  part  of 
the  trade  over  the  Mississippi."*  The  proposition 
to  take  possession  of  the  territory  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Ohio,  made  by  Colonel  Bradstreet  in  1764,  had 
not  yet  been  acted  upon  in  1766,  when  Sir  William 
Johnson  reported  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  on  ''the 
Artfull  measures  taken  by  the  French  in  that  (the 
Illinois)  Country,  for  securing  the  Indians  affections 
and  engrossing  the  Trade,  the  better  to  accomplish 
which  they  have  begun  two  settlements  on  the  West 
side  of  the  River  above  Fort  Chartres,  where  they 
have  already  large  Magazines  for  Trade  and  Presents, 
with  able  agents  to  carry  on  their  designs,  in  which 
they  will  be  farther  aided  by  the  French  of  Illinois 
and  it  is  added  that  many  of  the  latter  are  withdraw- 
ing from  their  old  abode  to  the  side  occupied  by  the 
French."t  Sir  William  continued  to  urge  the  neces- 
sity of  occupying  the  French  posts  in  that  distant 
part  of  the  British  dominions,  although  he  saw  how 
difficult  it  would  be  to  keep  them  in  case  of  a  new 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  788. 
fib.,  816. 


i8o 


The  Ohio   Valley 


<•■    ! 


war  with  France,  and  in  September,  1767,  he  could 
report,  that  Fort  Chartres  was  held  by  an  English 
garrison. 

Maps,  mentioned  in  a  previous  chapter,  speak  of 
an  old  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  without  giving 
its  name.  M.  de  MacCarty,  the  French  officer  com- 
manding at  Fort  Chartres  in  1760,  placed  some 
Indians  near  Fort  Massiac,  in  June,  who  abandoned 
this  position  in  October  of  the  same  year,  being 
menaced  by  a  strong  party  of  the  enemy.  He  then 
caused  the  fort  to  be  "  terraced,  fraized  and  forti- 
fied, piece  upon  piece,  with  a  good  ditch."*  Was 
this  the  first  settlement  of  Cairo,  Illinois  ? 

In  1735  a  Canadian,  M.  Vincennes,  opened  a  trad- 
ing house  on  the  Wabash,  which  was  later  called 
Post  Vincent,  but  which  we  know  to-day  as  the  flour- 
ishing town  of  Vincennes.  **  Thus  began  the  com- 
monwealth of  Indiana."t  M.  Vincennes  was  cruelly 
put  to  death  by  Chickasaw  Indians  in  the  following 
year,  but  the  settlement  did  not  die  with  its  founder, 
growing  with  the  necessary  slowness  of  such  enter- 
prises in  the  past  ages.  George  Croghan,  sent  to  the 
Western  Indians  with  messages,  arrived  there  in 
June,  1765,  and  found  Post  Vincent,  **a  French  vil- 
lage of  about  80  houses,  and  an  Indian  village 
of  the  Pyankeshas."J  Further  up  the  same  river 
Wabash    Frenchmen    were    settled    at    Ouiatanon, 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  X,  1092. 

f  Monette,  I,  165;  Bancroft,  III,  346. 

X  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  780. 


I 


In  Colonial  Days,  i8i 

now  Lafayette,  Indiana,  of  whom  with  others  at 
Post  Vincent,  Miamis,  etc.,  Sir  William  complains  as 
"  sufficient  to  engross  all  the  trade  in  them  parts."* 
He  calls  them  "  French  familys  of  the  worst  sort."f 

In  a  representation  made  by  the  Lords  of  Trade 
and  Plantations  upon  the  general  state  of  Indian 
affairs  and  the  establishment  of  posts  on  March  7, 
1768,1  they  discuss  the  question  of  a  new  govern- 
ment or  colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  river  and 
point  out  that  the  great  distance  of  this  and  two 
other  Colonies  in  the  Illinois  country  and  at  Detroit, 
would  increase  instead  of  lessening  the  expenses  of 
the  civil  as  well  as  military  establishment,  but  in  the 
main  they  are  in  favor  of  such  undertakings.  Not- 
withstanding this  propitious  report.  Lord  Hills- 
borough, as  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and 
Plantations  in  1772,  disapproved  of  the  Walpole 
scheme  of  colonization,  as  has  been  told  above.  At 
the  same  time  he  had  been  informed  by  Sir  William 
Johnson,§  that  as  the  Kickapoos  and  Poutawatamies, 
incited  by  the  jealousy  of  French  traders,  were  con- 
stantly committing  robberies  and  murders,  the  estab- 
lishment of  some  kind  of  authority  on  the  Wabash 
was  required,  the  more  so  perhaps,  as  the  lawless 
colony  of  French  there  daily  increased  in  numbers. 

But  the  indecision  of  the  home  government  delayed 
matters  in  this  quarter.     The   Earl  of  Dartmouth, 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VII,  777. 

t  lb.,  71b. 

X  lb.,  VIII,  \<^et  seg 

§  lb.,  292. 


1 82  The  Ohio   Valley 

who  had  succeeded  Lord  Hillsborough  as  Colonial 
Secretary,  was,  in  1773,  still  in  doubt  whether  a  gov- 
ernment on  the  Ohio  could  be  established,  and 
required  the  assurance  by  Sir  William  Johnson 
that  the  Six  Nations  were  unanimously  in  favor  of 
the  proposition.  We  may  suppose  that  all  steps  for 
creating  the  new  Colonial  government  were  being 
considered  with  proper  English  slowness,  when 
Michael  Cresap's  onslaught  on  some  Ohio  Indians 
imperiled  the  execution  of  the  plan.  The  traders 
living  in  the  country  were  driven  away  or  murdered 
by  the  infuriated  Shawanoes  and  it  required  all  the 
skill  of  which  Alexander  McKee,  Sir  William  John- 
son's deputy  on  the  Ohio,  and  Captain  Arthur  St. 
Clair,  then  in  command  at  Fort  Ligonier,  Pennsyl- 
vania, were  capable,  to  prevent  a  general  Indian  out- 
break, which  might  have  proved  disastrous  to  the 
population  west  of  the  Ohio,  characterized  by  Sir 
William  as  "dissolute  fellows,  united  with  debtors, 
and  persons  of  wandering  disposition,  who  have  been 
removing  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  etc  for 
more  than  ten  years  past  into  the  Indian  Country, 
towards  &  on  the  Ohio  and  had  made  a  considerable 
number  of  settlements  as  early  as  1765,  when  my 
Deputy  [Croghan]  was  sent  to  the  Illinois,  from 
whence  he  gave  me  a  particular  account  of  the  un- 
easiness it  occasioned  amongst  the  Indians,  many  of 
these  emigrants  are  idle  fellows,  that  are  too  lazy  to 
cultivate  lands  &  invited  by  the  plenty  of  game  they 
found,  have  employed  themselves  in  hunting,  in  which 


V&'^'Uf. 


l!*!il 


In  Colonial  Days.  183 

they  interfere  much  more  with  the  Indians,  than  if 
they  pursued  agriculture  alone,  and  the  Indian  hunt- 
ers ....  already  begin  to  feel  the  scarcity  this  has  oc- 
casioned, which  greatly  increases  their  resentment."* 
Cresap's  attack  on  the  Indians  brought  on  what  is 
known  as  "  Cresap's"  or  '*  Dunmore's  War."  Lord 
Dunmore  had  been  transferred  from  the  government 
of  New  York  to  that  of  Virginia  and  has  been  sus- 
pected of  having  brought  on  this  conflict  by  his 
agent,  Doctor  John  Connolly,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
Virginians  from  taking  up  arms  against  the  British 
ministry  in  the  impending  struggle  for  liberty.  Two 
columns  were  to  invade  the  Indian  country.  Lord 
Dunmore  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  one,  assembled 
at  Fort  Pitt,  and  dropping  down  the  Ohio  intended 
to  meet  the  other,  under  General  Andrew  Lewis, 
coming  from  Lewisburg,  in  Greenbriar  county,  Vir- 
ginia, at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha.  Lord 
Dunmore,  however,  changed  his  plans,  intending  to 
land  at  the  Big  Hockhocking.  In  the  meantime 
General  Lewis  fought  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant 
October  10,  1774,  compelling  the  Indians  to  retreat, 
and  then,  contrary  to  Lord  Dunmore's  order,  to  make 
a  halt  at  Salt  Licks,t  pressed  on  to  Chillicothe,  where 
he  joined  his  superior  officer.  Here  the  Governor 
made  a  treaty  with  the  Ohio  Indians,  who  promised 
not  to  hunt  south  of  the  Ohio  and  not  to  molest 
voyagers  on  the  river. 

*N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  VIII,  460. 
f  Now  Jackson,  Ohio. 


w*' 


184  T/ie  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days. 

Settlements  had  been  made  before  this  time  in  the 
Muskingum  valley.  The  Moravian  community  at 
Friedenshuetten,  Pennsylvania,  had  gathered  about 
them  during  the  seven  years  of  their  labors  there  a 
number  of  Indian  converts,  but  had  also  suffered 
much  from  persecution  of  their  English  neighbors. 
Cordially  invited  by  the  Delawares  in  1772,  to  come 
to  their  country  near  the  Muskingum,  the  Moravian 
settlers  and  their  Indian  friends  had  removed,  and  in 
their  new  homes  among  savages  it  seemed  to  them 
that  their  trials  were  ended.* 


*  Winsor,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  VI,  734. 


CHAPTER   X. 

South  of  the  Ohio  River. 

Reverend  Hugh  Jones,  Chaplain  to  the  Virginia 
Assembly  and  Minister  at  Jamestown,  wrote  in  1750: 
"  If  New  England  be  called  a  receptacle  of  Dissent- 
ers and  an  Amsterdam  of  religion,  Pennsylvania  the 
nursery  of  Quakers,  Maryland  the  retirement  of 
Roman  Catholics,  North  Carolina  the  refuge  of  Run- 
aways, etc."  Yet  this  same  North  Carolina  may  be 
called  an  offshoot  of  Virginia,  which  our  Reverend 
friend  designates  as  the  "  happy  retreat  of  true 
Britons  and  true  Churchmen." 

The  truth  is  that  North  Carolina  was  originally 
settled  by  several  shiploads  of  respectable  English 
people  coming  from  Barbadoes,  who  were  followed 
by  the  French,  Swiss  and  German  Protestant  fugi- 
tives from  despotic  Roman  Catholic  countries,  and  in 
1745  by  Scotch  Jacobites,  who  found  themselves  en- 
dangered in  their  homes  after  the  failure  of  their 
attempt  to  replace  a  Stuart  on  the  throne  of  Eng- 
land. Runaways  there  were  too,  but  they  came  from 
the  "  happy  retreat "  to  which  they  had  been  trans- 
ported out  of  the  slums  and  prisons  of  England. 
The  result  was  necessarily  and  unavoidably,  that  we 
24 


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i86 


The  Ohio  Valley 


encounter  "a  marked  absence  of  individuality  in  the 
history  of  North  Carolina,  and  that  she  was  sadly 
deficient  in  men  of  great  abilities  and  commanding 
character,  such  as  made  Virginia  illustrious."* 

Another  result  was  the  absence  of  men  belonging 
to  the  learned  professions,  for  everybody  was  either 
planter  or  storekeeper,  and  in  the  western  part  of 
the  Colony  a  hunter.  When  in  the  course  of  years 
these  hunters  had  depleted  the  east  side  of  the  moun- 
tains of  the  animals,  whose  products  were  required 
for  the  purchase  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  they  de- 
scended on  the  west  side  into  the  Ohio  Valley.  A 
map,  spoken  of  in  a  previous  chapter,  tells  us  that 
one  Walker  had  an  establishment  on  the  Cumberland 
river  as  early  as  1750,  and  perhaps  earlier.  This 
Walker  had  been  probably  Doctor  Walker,  who 
about  this  time  had  crossed  from  Powell's  Valley,  in 
Virginia,  over  to  Cumberland.  Another  mapf  in- 
forms us  that  in  1 755,  this,  most  likely  the  first  white, 
settlement  in  the  southern  intervales  of  the  Ohio, 
had  been  destroyed.  "  A  place  called  Kentucky," 
had  become  known  about  that  time,  for  in  May,  1 753, 
Governor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  wrote  to  Gov- 
ernor Clinton,  of  New  York,  of  robberies  committed 
upon  English  traders  at  that  place  by  French  In- 
dians.;]; 

A  nameless  French  author§  speaks  of  James  Mc- 

*  H.  C.  Lodge,  Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies  in  America. 

f  See  Chapter  II. 

X  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  MSS.,  XXXIII,  71. 

g  Voyage  au  Kentoukey,  etc.,  par  M.  .  .  .  ,  Paris,  1821. 


. 


In  Colonial  Days.  187 

Bride,  who  crossed  the  Ohio  river  with  a  party  of 
friends  in  1 754,  and  near  its  mouth  cut  his  name  and 
the  date  of  his  arrival  into  an  old  lime-tree,  still  stand- 
ing when  the  writer  came  to  the  same  place.  His 
reports  of  the  beautiful  country  seen  were  not  be- 
lieved. Marshall  treats  this  account  of  McBride  as 
a  tradition. 

John  Findlay  or  Finley,  whose  name  is  perpetuated 
in  the  counties  of  Hancock,  Ohio,  and  of  Alleghany, 
Pennsylvania,  was  one  of  a  party  of  hunters  who, 
driven  to  look  for  new  hunting  grounds,  found  them- 
selves upon  the  waters  of  the  Kentucky  river  in  1 767. 
"  Of  Finley  and  his  comrades  and  of  the  course  and 
extent  of  their  journey  little  is  known.  That  they 
were  of  the  pure  blood  and  endowed  with  the  gen- 
uine qualities  of  the  pioneers,  is  manifestly  unde- 
niable. That  they  passed  over  the  Cumberland  and 
through  the  intermediate  country  to  the  Kentucky 
river  and  penetrated  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Elk- 
horn,  there  are  no  sufficient  reasons  to  doubt.  It  is 
enough,  however,  to  embalm  their  memory  in  our 
hearts  and  to  connect  their  names  with  the  imperish- 
able memorials  of  our  early  history,  that  they  were 
the  first  adventurers  that  plunged  into  the  dark  and 
enchanted  wilderness  of  Kentucky, —  that  of  all  their 
cotemporaries  they  saw  her  first, —  and  saw  her  in  the 
pride  of  her  virgin  beauty  —  at  the  dawn  of  summer 
—  in  the  fullness  of  her  vegetation  —  her  soil  instinct 
with  fertility,  covered  with  the  most  luxuriant  ver- 
dure —  the  air  perfumed  with  the  fragrance  of  flowers 


4.1 


1 88 


The  Ohio   Valley 


and  her  tall  forests  looming  in  all  their  primeval 
magnificence.  How  long  Finley  lived  or  where  he 
died,  the  silence  of  history  does  not  enable  us  to 
know.  That  his  remains  are  now  mingled  with  the 
soil  that  he  discovered,  there  is  some  reason  to  hope, 
for  he  conducted  Boone  to  Kentucky  in  1 769  —  and 
there  the  curtain  drops  on  him  forever."* 

The  country  beyond  the  Cumberland  mountains 
"appeared  in  1767  to  the  dusky  view  of  the  gener- 
ality of  the  people  of  Virginia  almost  as  obscure 
and  doubtful  as  America  itself  to  the  people  of  Eu- 
rope before  the  voyage  of  Columbus.  A  country 
there  was  ;  of  this  none  could  doubt,  who  thought  at 
all ;  but  whether  land  or  water,  mountain  or  plain, 
fertility  or  barrenness  preponderated ;  whether  inhab- 
ited by  men  or  beasts,  or  both,  or  neither,  they  knew 
not.  If  inhabited  by  men,  they  were  supposed  to  be 
Indians;  for  such  had  always  infested  the  frontiers. 
And  this  had  been  a  powerful  reason  for  not  exploring 
the  region  west  of  the  great  mountain,  which  con- 
cealed Kentucky  from  their  sight,  "f 

If  Judge  Marshall  is  right  in  thus  describing  the 
reasons  for  not  exploring  a  region,  we  must,  in  com- 
paring this  pusillanimity  of  the  colonial  English  with 
the  intrepidity  shown  by  colonial  Frenchmen,  cer- 
tainly wonder,  that  the  former  could  drive  the  latter 
from  this  Continent. 

Daniel    Boone's   family   had   moved  from  Berks 

*  Address  of  Governor  Morehead  at  Boonesborough,  Ky.,  May  25,  1840. 
f  H.  Marshall,  History  of  Kentucky,  I,  7. 


' 


In  Colonial  Days.  189 

county,  Pennsylvania,  to  North  Carolina,  where  they 
settled  on  the  Yadkin  river  in  1753,  and  soon  after 
their  arrival  there  Daniel  married,  having  provided  a 
hut  Jor  his  young  wife  in  a  solitary  part  of  the  Yadkin 
valley,  where  no  neighbor  could  crowd  him.  But 
his  solitude  was  soon  disturbed  by  other  settlers  and 
he  decided  to  move,  if  possible,  to  a  wild  and  unex- 
plored region  beyond  the  neighboring  mountains,  of 
which  he  heard  strange  stories.* 

The  white  settlers  around  his  cabin  in  the  Yadkin 
valley  began  to  increase  and  they  added  thereby  to 
Boone's  desire  to  move.  Perhaps  other  things  helped 
this  determination  to  leave  the  frontier  and  plunge 
into  the  wilderness.  Taxes,  fees  and  costs  were  the 
necessary  following  of  increased  population  and  Boone 
was  not  inclined  to  fill  the  pockets  of  the  officials, 
who  were  benefited  by  them.  At  this  juncture  Boone 
fell  in  with  Finley,  returned  from  his  excursion  to  the 
west,  and  his  heart  and  imagination  were  soon  ablaze 

*  A  modern  writer  relates  of  an  expedition,  which  Daniel  Boone  appears 
to  have  undertaken  about  this  time  and  says,  that  there  is  still  standing  on 
the  bank  of  Boone's  creek  —  a  branch  of  the  Watauga  river —  not  far  from 
Jonesboro,  East  Tennessee,  a  large  beech  tree,  with  the  following  inscription : 

D.  Boon 
CillED  A.   BAR  On 

Tree 
in  ThE 

yEAR 

1760. 
(Edmund  Kirke,  Rearguard  of  the  Revolution  following  Ramsey,  Annals 
of  Tennessee.)  The  distance  from  Boone's  settlement  in  the  Yadkin  valley 
to  the  above  Boone's  creek  could  not  .have  been  more  than  perhaps  200 
miles.  We  may,  therefore,  consider  that  the  occasion,  on  which  Boone  cut  the 
inscription  into  the  ttee,  was  not  an  exploring,  but  only  a  somewhat  ex- 
tended hunting  excursion,  such  as  the  exigencies  of  their  life  often  required 
the  professional  huntsmen  to  take. 


I 

I 


I  „ 

I 


190  The  Ohio   Valley 

with  the  wild  and  romantic  stories  of  the  traveler. 
Boone  had  seen  a  little  of  this  enchanted  region, 
when  in  1 764  he  had  been  sent  on  a  tour  of  inspec- 
tion to  a  branch  of  the  Cumberland  river  by  a  com- 
pany of  land  speculators.  Now  Finley  and  Boone 
set  to  work  to  form  a  new  expeditionary  party,  but 
they  did  not  succeed  in  recruiting  the  desired  number 
until  early  in  1769.  Boone  tells  the  story  of  this 
expedition  as  follows  :*  **  It  was  on  the  first  of  May, 
1769,  that  I  resigned  my  domestic  happiness  for  a 
time  and  left  my  family  and  peaceful  habitation  on 
the  Yadkin  river,  in  North  Carolina,  to  wander 
through  the  wilderness  of  America,  in  quest  of  the 
country  of  Kentucky,  in  company  with  John  Finley, 
John  Stewart,  Joseph  Holden,  James  Monay  and 
William  Cool.  We  proceeded  successfully  and  after 
a  long  and  fatiguing  journey  through  a  mountainous 
wilderness,  in  a  westward  direction,  on  the  seventh 
day  of  June  following,  we  found  ourselves  on  Red 
river,f  where  John  Finley  had  formerly  been  trading 

*  W.  H.  Bogart,  in  his  "  Daniel  Boone,"  says  of  this  narrative  by  John 
Filson:  John  Filson,  who  claimed  to  have  been  an  early  witness  of  the  set- 
tlement of  Kentucky,  wrote,  ostensibly  from  Boone's  dictation,  a  life  of  the 
great  Pioneer,  but  i^s  style  of  language  is  so  ornate  and  ambitious,  as  greatly 
to  lessen  its  value.  Evidently  Filson  received  the  leading  facts  from  Boone 
and  disdaining  the  simple  words  of  the  Pioneer,  preferred  the  use  of  a  dic- 
tion far  beyond  good  taste  or  probability.  Junlay,  the  editor  of  the  book, 
calls  it,  curiously,  "  a  narrative,  written  in  a  style  of  the  utmost  simplicity, 
by  ...  .  one  of  the  hunters,  who  first  penetrated  into  the  bosom  of  that 
delectable  region." 

f  Either  the  tributary  of  the  Cumberland  river  flowing  through  Robertson 
and  Montgomery  counties,  Tennessee,  or  a  small  tributary  of  the  Kentucky 
river,  rising  in  Morgan  county  and  flowing  between  Clark  and  Estill  counties, 
Kentucky.     Probably  the  latter. 


In  Colonial  Days,  191 

with  the  Indians  and  from  the  top  of  an  eminence 
saw  with  pleasure  the  beautiful  level  of  Kentucky. .  .* 
At  this  place  we  '^ncamped  and  made  a  shelter  to 
defend  us  from  the  inclement  season  and  began  to 
hunt  and  reconnoiter  the  country.  We  found  every- 
where abundance  of  wild  beasts  of  all  sorts,  through 
this  vast  forest.  The  buffalo  were  more  frequent 
than  I  have  seen  cattle  in  the  settlements.  .  .  .*  In 
this  forest  ....  we  practiced  hunting  with  great  suc- 
cess until  the  2 2d  day  of  December  following.  This 
day  John  Stewart  and  I  had  a  pleasant  ramble  ;  but 
fortune  changed  the  scene  in  the  close  of  it.  We 
had  passed  through  a  great  forest,  on  which  stood 
myriads  of  trees,  some  gay  with  blossoms,  others  rich 
with  fruits.  .  .  .f  In  the  decline  of  the  day,  near 
Kentucky  river,  as  we  ascended  the  brow  of  a  small 
hill,  a  number  of  Indians  rushed  out  of  a  thick  cane- 
brake  and  made  us  prisoners." 

After  having  been  plundered  and  carried  about  as 
captives  for  a  while,  the  two  hunters  managed  to 
escape,  but  they  found  their  camp  on  the  Red  river 
deserted  and  plundered.  "  About  this  time,"  con- 
tinues Boone,  "  my  brother.  Squire  Boone,  with  an- 
other adventurer,  who  came  to  explore  the  country 
shortly  after  us,  was  wandering  thro'  the  forest,  deter- 
mined to  find  me  if  possible  and  accidentally  found 
our  camp Soon  after  this   my  companion  in 

*  General  reflections  in  ornate  language  are  omitted. 

f  Neither  Boone  nor  his  biographer  seem  to  have  thought  of  the  contra- 
diction —  of  blossoms  and  fruits  on  the  trees  in  December. 


I);!: 


192 


The  Ohio   Valley 


captivity,  John  Stewart,  was  killed  by  the  Savages 
and  the  man  that  came  with  my  brother  returned 
home  by  himself.  We  were  then  in  a  dangerous, 
helpless  situation,  exposed  daily  to  perils  and  death 
amongst  the  savages  and  wild  beasts  —  not  a  white 
man  in  the  country  but  ourselves.  .  .  .  We  continued 
not  in  a  state  of  indolence,  but  hunted  every  day  and 
prepared  a  little  cottage  to  defend  us  from  the  winter 
storms.  We  remained  there  undisturbed  through 
the  winter.  On  the  first  day  of  May,  1770,  my 
brother  returned  home  to  the  settlement  by  himself, 
for  a  new  recruit  of  horses  and  ammunition,  leaving 
me  by  myself  without  bread,  salt  or  sugar,  without 
company  of  my  fellow  creatures  or  even  a  horse  or 
dog." 

Boone  and  his  companions  were,  to  a  certain  extent, 
trespassers.  The  territory,  to  which  their  expedition 
had  extended,  had  originally  belonged  to  the  Chero- 
kees,  who  had  been  subjugated  by  the  Six  Nations 
of  New  York.  But  the  claim  of  the  Cherokees  to 
this  region  had  never  been  substantiated  and  hence 
the  title  of  the  Six  Nations  to  it,  which  they  had 
ceded  to  the  British  Crown  by  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Stanwix*  in  1768,  was  a  very  vague  one.  However, 
Boone  and  his  party  only  anticipated  for  a  short  time, 
what  they  perhaps  knew  must  come  in  the  course  of 
events.  A  treaty  made  at  Lochaber,  in  South  Caro- 
lina, October  5,  1770,  extinguished  the  Indian  claim 
completely. 

*  Now  Rome,  New  York. 


In  Colonial  Days.  193 

We  can  only  briefly  follow  Boone's  adventures  ; 
how  he  and  his  brother,  after  thoroughly  exploring 
the  country,  determined  to  settle  in  it ;  how,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1773,  they  started  with  their  families  from 
their  homes  in  North  Carolina  ;  how,  after  joining 
company  with  a  party  of  forty  odd  people,  near 
Powell's  valley,  bent  on  like  removal,  he  had  the 
misfortune  to  lose  his  eldest  son  in  an  Indian  fight, 
and  how,  after  this  sad  affair,  in  which  five  other  men 
were  killed,  the  disheartened  majority  of  the  party, 
after  a  council  on  Walden's  mountain,  compelled  a 
return  to  the  Clinch  river  in  Virginia,  where  they 
made  a  welcome  addition  to  an  older  settlement. 
The  "  place,  called  Kentucky "  had,  in  the  mean- 
time, become  more  extensively  known.  In  1771,  a 
hunting  company,  which  acquired  fame  under  the 
name  of  the  "Long  Hunters,"  and  consisted  of 
Casper  Mauser,  James  Knox,  John  Montgomery, 
Isaac  Bledsoe  and  others,  had  gone  on  such  a  long 
and  extensive  hunt  that  we  might  be  inclined  to  think 
they  had  been  as  far  as  the  Mississippi  and  back. 
Their  reports  led  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  to  reward 
her  soldiers,  who  had  helped  to  drive  the  French 
from  the  Ohio  Valley,  with  allotments  of  lands  on 
the  Kentucky  river.  Governor  Dunmore,  of  Vir- 
ginia, knowing  that  Daniel  Boone  had  demonstrated 
by  his  own  experiences,  that  this  was  a  country  where 
people  could  live,  sent  surveyors  into  the  regions  to 
give  some  form  and  shape  to  the  donations  made  in 
so   liberal   a   manner  by   the   Assembly.      Captain 


in 


194 


The  Ohio   Valley 


m 


i'li!'  ' 


Thomas  Bullitt,  an  officer  who  had  seen  and  done 
good  service  in  the  expedition  against  Fort  du 
Quesne,  was  placed  in  charge  of  a  party  of  survey- 
ors, Taylor,  Harrod  and  McAfee,  and  penetrated 
through  the  wilderness,  as  far  as  the  Falls  of  the 
Ohio.  Here  they  made  the  fortified  head-quarters 
for  their  operations  and  thus  laid,  unwittingly,  the 
foundation  for  the  present  city  of  Louisville,  Ken- 
tucky. Sir  W.  Johnson  complained  in  September, 
1773,  that  Bullitt  and  a  large  number  of  people  had 
gone  beyond  the  limits  of  the  new  purchase  and  that 
Shawanoes  weke  excited  over  it  and  treating  with 
the  Spaniards.  Other  surveyors  followed.  James 
Douglas,  intending  to  join  Captain  Bullitt,  explored 
the  country  about  Big  bone  Lick  creek.  He  saw 
**  the  lick  and  the  large  bones,  of  which  fame  had 
said  so  much,  the  learned  risked  so  many  conjectures, 
and  everybody  knew  so  little."*  He  revisited  Ken- 
tucky the  next  year,  exploring  the  country  on  Elk- 
horn,  Hickman  and  Jessamine  creeks,  and  became 
so  enamored  of  the  country,  that  he  intended  to  settle 
there.  But  death,  interfering  in  so  many  human 
plans,  said  "No." 

Handcock  Taylor,  perhaps  one  of  the  original 
party,  was  killed  by  Indians  in  the  execution  of  his 
duties,  but  his  field  notes  were  secured  by  his  assist- 
ant, Hamptonstall,  and  later  legalized  by  act  of 
Legislature  In  May,  1774,  Captain  James  Harrod, 
at  the  head  of  a  party  of  forty-one  men,  in  descend- 

*  Marshall,  History  of  Kentucky. 


In  Colonial  Days,  195 

ing  the  Monongahela  and  the  Ohio,  reached  the  site 
of  the  present  Harrodsburgh,  or  as  first  called,  Har- 
rodstown  or  Old  Town,  which  he  laid  out  in  lots  of 
munificent  size.  They  were  the  first  white  men  who 
raised  a  crop  of  corn  on  Kentucky  soil.  John  Floyd, 
"  a  deputy  surveyor  of  Fincastle  county,"*  was  en- 
gaged in  this  business  also  in  1774,  and  could  in  later 
years  play  an  important  role,  as  civil  and  as  military 
officer,  in  the  new  territory.  He  made  his  station  on 
the  Bear  Grass  creek,  some  ten  miles  from  the  falls 
of  the  Ohio,  and  settled  there.  Doctor  Wood's  inten- 
tion in  1773  to  descend  the  Ohio  in  quest  of  a  new 
country  and  rich  land,  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
Simon  Kenton,  a  young  man  of  Fauquier  county. 
For  justifiable  reasons  he  changed  his  name  to  Butler 
and  joined  Doctor  Wood,  with  whom  he  went  as  far 
as  Cabin  creek,  "making  various  improvements  on 
the  bottoms. "f  Two  years  later  Butler  went  down 
the  Ohio  again  as  far  as  the  present  site  of  Augusta, 
Bracken  county,  Kentucky,  and  striking  inland  made 
a  settlement  near  the  present  town  of  Washington, 
Mason  county. 

Another  pioneer  of  these  days  was  William  Whit- 
ley, also  a  Virginian.  Hearing  the  reports  of  the 
marvelous  country,  Kentucky,  he  decided  to  have  a 
look  at  it  with  a  view  of  settHng  there.  He  set  out 
with  his  brother-in-law,  George  Clark,  and  seven 
others,  and  found  what  he  and  his  companions  desired 
in  the  south-eastern  section  of  Kentucky. 

*  Marshall,  History  of  Kentucky;  Botetourt  county  is  probably  meant, 
fib. 


196 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Lord  Dunmore,  Governor  of  New  York,  later  of 
Virginia,  had,  in  1 770,  considered  the  scheme  of  estab- 
lishing a  Colony  on  the  Ohio  as  impracticable.  All 
the  men,  who  were  supposed  to  have  any  knowledge 
of  such  affairs  and  whom  he  consulted,  concurred  in 
a  condemnation  of  such  a  project,  giving  as  their 
reasons  for  doing  so  the  great  distances  from  the  set- 
tled parts,  an  impossibility  to  establish  commercial 
communications.  "  Such  Colony  must  therefore  be 
their  own  Manufacturers,"  he  continues,*  **  and  the 
great  expense  of  maintaining  Troops  there  for  their 
protection  be  a  dead  weight  on  Govern*  without  the 

hopes  of  reaping  any  advantage  hereafter Add 

to  this  the  great  probability,  I  may  venture  to  say 
with  certainty,  that  the  attempting  a  settlement  on  the 
Ohio  will  draw  on  an  Indian  war  ;  it  being  well  known 
how  ill  affected  the  Ohio  Indians  have  always  been 
to  our  interest  and  their  jealousy  of  such  a  settlement, 
so  near  them,  must  be  easily  foreseen." 

Lord  Dunmore  was  not  wrong  in  his  anticipations. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  1771,  Sir 
William  Johnson  had  to  report  that  the  Northern  and 
Southern  Indians  were  negotiating  for  a  closer  union 
between  them  to  prevent  further  encroachments  by 
the  white  intruders.  "  If  a  very  small  part  of  these 
people  have  been  capable  of  reducing  us  to  such 
straits  as  we  were  in  a  few  years  since,  what  may  we 
not  expect  from  such  a  formidable  alliance  as  we  are 
threatened  with,  when  at  the  same  time  it  is  well 

*  Marshall,  History  of  Kentucky,  253. 


. 


In  Colonial  Days,  197 

known,  that  we  are  not  at  this  time  more  capable  of 
Defence,  if  so  much,  as  at  the  former  period."* 

Neither  Sir  William  Johnson  nor  Lord  Dunmore's 
warnings  against  pushing  settlements  to  the  west- 
ward were  heeded  by  the  home  authorities  in  Eng- 
land. A  grant  of  land  was  made  in  1772  to  Thomas 
Walpole,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Sargent  and 
Samuel  Wharton,  the  representatives  of  a  land  com- 
pany. This  company  offered  to  pay  ^10,460,  the 
sum  paid  to  the  Six  Nations  for  the  land  purchased 
from  them  at  the  Fort  Stanwix  treaty,  and  desired  to 
receive  therefor  the  title  of  a  tract  "  beginning  on 
the  South  Side  of  the  River  Ohio  opposite  to  the 
mouth  of  Sioto,  thence  southerly  through  the  pass 
in  the  Ouasioto  Mountains,  to  the  South  side  of  the 
said  mountains,  thence  along  the  side  of  the  said 
Mountains  North  Easterly  to  the  Fork  of  the  Great 
Kenhawa,  made  by  the  junction  of  Green  Briar  and 
new  River,  thence  along  the  said  Green  Briar  on 
the  Easterly  side  of  the  same  unto  the  Head  or  termi- 
nation of  the  North  Easterly  branch  thereof,  thence 
Easterly  to  the  Allegheny  mountains,  thence  along 
the  said  Allegheny  mountains  to  Lord  Fairfax's 
Line,  thence  along  the  same  to  the  Spring  head  of 
the  North  Branch  of  the  River  Powtomack,  thence 
along  the  Western  Boundary  Line  of  the  Province 
of  Maryland  to  the  Southern  Boundary  Line  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  End  thereof,  thence 
along  the  Western  Boundary  Line  of  the  said  prov- 

*  Marshall,  History  of  Kentucky,  262. 


m 
'ill' 

liii 


E 


iilii 


SI'.'  ; 


I'l. 


Hi 


mv 


lii 


,1, 


198 


TAe  Ohio   Valley 


ince  of  Pennsylvania  until  the  same  shall  strike  the 
River  Ohio,  Thence  down  the  said  River  Ohio  to  the 
place  of  beginning."*  A  glance  at  the  map  will 
show  that  this  tract  covered  most  of  the  present 
State  of  West  Virginia  and  a  small  part  of  Eastern 
Kentucky.  The  lands  granted  had  already  partly 
been  settled  and  were  not  "  beyond  the  reach  of  ad- 
vantageous intercourse."  The  above  warning  was 
written  while  Lord  Dunmore  was  still  Governor  of 
New  York.  As  Governor  of  Virginia  he  visited  the 
back  settlements  and  remained  some  time  at  Pitts- 
burgh, engaged  in  a  territorial  dispute  between  Vir- 
ginia and  Pennsylvania.  He  is  accused  of  having 
excited  the  Indian  war,  which  devastated  the  western 
settlements  in  1774,  with  a  view  of  distracting 
the  councils  of  the  patriots  of  those  days.  This 
conflict  ended  by  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  above 
the  mouth  Kii  the  Great  Kanhawa,  on  the  loth  of 
October,  1774. 

A  letter  from  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Governor 
Tryon,  of  New  York,  speaking  of  the  Indian  situa- 
tion, says  in  1774  :f  "The  disorderly  behaviour  of 
the  Frontier  Inhabitants  will  confirm  the  Indians  in 
their  suspicions  against  us.  .  .  .  For  more  than  ten 
years  past  the  most  dissolute  fellows  united  with 
debtors  and  persons  of  a  wandering  disposition  have 
been  removing  from  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  etc.,  into 
the  Indian  Country,  towards  and  on  the  Ohio  and  a 

♦N.  Y.  Coll.  MSB.,  XCVIII,  127. 
fN.  Y.  Col.  Hist,,  VIII,  460. 


_L 


In  Colonial  Days,  199 

considerable  number  of  settlements  were  made  as 
early  as  1765.*  The  Cession  to  the  Crown  at  the 
Treaty  of  1 768  was  secured  by  the  plainest  and  best 
natural  boundaries  and  the  Indians  freely  agreed  to 
make  it  the  more  ample  that  our  people  should  have 
no  pretext  of  narrow  limits  and  the  remainder  might 
be  rendered  the  more  secure  to  themselves  and  their 
posterity ;  neither  did  they  expect  that  we  should 
push  settlements  immediately  over  the  whole  of  their 
cession  and  His  Majesty  with  great  wisdom  and  dis- 
cretion was  pleased  to  direct  that  none  should  be  now 
made  below  the  Great  Kanhawa  River,  with  which  I 
acquainted  the  Indians  agreeable  to  my  orders,  but 
number  of  settlements  had  been  made  there  previous 
to  the  cession,  attempts  made  since  to  form  others 
on  the  Mississippi  and  great  numbers  in  defiance  of 
the  cession  or  the  orders  of  Government  in  conse- 
quence thereof  have  since  removed  not  only  below 
the  Kanhawa,  but  even  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
Cession  .  . .  . ;  the  body  of  these  people  are  under  no 
restraint,  they  perceive  that  they  are  in  places  of  secu- 
rity and  pay  as  little  regard  to  Government,  as  they 
do  to  title  for  their  possessions,  whilst  at  the  same 
time  not  only  individuals  but  bodies  of  men  are  inter- 
ested in  the  growth  of  these  settlements,  however  in- 
jurious to  the  old  colonies  and  dangerous  to  all ;  but 
'till  better  order  is  restored  elsewhere,  little  can  be 
expected  in  that  quarter  &  in  the  interim  these  set- 
tlements increase  and  what  is  much  worse  the  disor- 

*  North  of  the  Ohio. 


1 


!i 


200 


The  Ohio   Valley 


jiijlj ! 

i 


ders,  of  which  the  Indians  principally  complain  grow 
to  an  enormity,  that  threatens  us  with  fresh  wars." 

The  warlike  attitude  of  the  Indians  threatened 
danger  not  only  to  the  settlers  within  the  territory, 
ceded  by  them,  but  also  to  the  surveying  parties,  sent 
out  by  the  Governor  far  beyond  the  limits  thereof. 
They  had  to  be  protected  or  at  least  must  be  warned 
of  the  danger  threatening  them  and  here  we  must 
retrace  our  steps  to  the  settlement  on  Clinch  river, 
where  Daniel  Boone  and  his  party  had  retreated  after 
the  failure  of  their  expedition  in  1 773.  For,  although 
it  is  not  intended  here  to  write  a  biography  of  Boone, 
however  worthy  a  subject  he  is  of  one,  we  must  recur 
to  him  again,  as  the  history  of  his  wanderings  is  more 
or  less  also  the  Colonial  history  of  Kentucky,  of  the 
"  Dark  and  Bloody  Ground." 

His  former  exploits  as  an  intrepid  pioneer  had 
gradually  become  known  to  Governor  and  Council  of 
Virginia,  and  when  the  question  of  warning  their  sub- 
ordinates, the  surveyors  way  out  west,  came  up  before 
them,  they  decided  to  employ  Boone  as  the  most 
trustworthy  messenger.  He  undertook  the  service 
expected  from  him  and  set  out  on  his  journey 
with  only  one  companion,  Michael  Stoner.  Stoner 
was,  like  Boone,  a  pioneer  and  had  already  traversed 
part  of  the  new  country,  having  hunted  on  the  Cum- 
berland river.  The  two  intrepid  messengers  reached 
the  surveying  camp  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  and  suc- 
ceeded in  piloting  the  threatened  party  safely  back  to 
less  dangerous  regions.     Very  little  is  known  of  this 


In   Colonial  Days. 


20I 


remarkable  journey  of  800  miles  in  sixty-two  days. 
Boone  speaks  modestly  of  it  and  affirms  that  "  many 
difficulties"  were  encountered.  Tradition  has,  of 
course,  so  much  more  to  tell  about  it.  A  party,  be- 
longing to  the  Harrod  company  was  attacked  by 
Indians,  and  tells  the  story,  that  one  of  the  men  in  his 
fright,  having  succeeded  to  make  his  escape  in  a 
canoe,  paddled  down  the  Ohio,  down  the  Mississippi 
and  returned  to  his  home  in  Pennsylvania  or  Vir- 
ginia by  way  of  the  Gulf  and  Atlantic  ocean. 

One  of  the  results  of  this  journey  may  be  learned 
from  the  following  certificate,  issued  to  Stoner : 
"  Michael  Stoner  this  day  appeared  and  claimed  a 
right  to  a  settlement  and  preemption  to  a  tract  of 
land  lying  on  Stoner's  F"ork,*  a  branch  of  the  South 
Fork  of  Licking,  about  12  miles  above  Licking  sta- 
tion,t  by  making  corn  in  the  country  in  the  year 
1775  and  improving  the  said  land  in  the  year  1776  ; 
satisfactory  proof  being  made  to  the  Court,  they  are 
of  opinion,  that  the  said  Stoner  had  a  right  to  a  set- 
tlement of  400  acres  of  land,  including  the  above 
mentioned  improvements  and  a  preemption  of  1000 
acres  adjoining  the  same  and  that  a  certificate  issue 
accordingly." 

Boone's  successful  performance  earned  him  the 
thanks  of  Lord  Dunmore  in  the  shape  of  a  military 
commission,  by  virtue  of  which  he  was  "  ordered  to 
take  command  of  three  garrisons"  on  the  frontier. 

*  Now  Stoner's  creek,  Bourbon  county,  Kentucky, 
f  In  Morgan  county,  Kentucky. 
26 


^ad 


"f. 


202 


m 


The  Ohio   Valley 


In  this  capacity  he  took  part  in  the  battle  at  Point 
Pleasant  on  the  loth  of  Occober,  1774,  which  secured 
peace  for  the  settlers  on  ceded  territory.  But  this 
Indian  war  had  not  taught  any  more  respect  for 
treaties,  made  with  the  Indians,  nor  shown  to  would- 
be  settlers  on  Indian  lands,  how  dangerous  such  at- 
tempts would  be. 

Governor  Morehead  tells  of  the  next  attempt:* 
"  In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1774  there  originated  in 
North  Carolina  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
schemes  of  ambition  and  speculation,  which  was  ex- 
hibited in  an  age  pregnant  with  such  events.  Eight 
private  gentlemen — Richard  Henderson,  William 
Johnston,  Nathaniel  Hart,  JohnTuttrel,  David  Hart, 
John  Williams,  James  Hogg  and  Leonard  Henley 
Bullock  —  contrived  the  project  of  purchasing  a  large 
tract  of  country  in  the  West  from  the  Cherokee  In- 
dians and  provisionary  arrangements  were  made,  with 
a  view  to  the  accomplishment  of  their  object,  for  a 
treaty  to  be  held  with  them  in  the  ensuing  year.  This 
was  the  celebrated  Transylvania  Company,  which 
formed  so  singular  a  connection  with  our  early  annals. 
In  March  1775  Col.  Henderson,  on  behalf  of  his  asso- 
ciates, met  the  chiefs  of  the  Cherokees,  attended  by 
1200  warriors,  at  a  fort  on  the  Watauga,  the  south- 
eastern branch  of  the  Holston  River.  A  council 
was  held,  the  terms  were  discussed,  the  purchase  was 
consummated  —  including  the  whole  tract  of  country 
between  the  Cumberland  and  Kentucky  Rivers." 

■*■  First  settlement  of  Kentucky,  1740,  quoted  above. 


In  Colonial  Days.  203 

But  the  purchase,  thus  made,  was  not  a  legal  one. 
Both  the  Colonies,  Virginia  and  North  Carolina, 
claiming  by  their  charters  jurisdiction  as  far  as  the 
Mississippi  and  therefore  including  this  tract,  had  at 
different  times  enacted  laws  which,  though  not  as 
stringent  as  the  New  York  laws  on  that  subject,  made 
a  direct  conveyance  of  land  from  the  Indian  to  the 
white  man  void.*  This  principle  was  re-affirmed  in 
the  Constitutions,  which  the  two  Colonies  adopted  on 
entering  the  Union  of  the  States  :  "  No  purchase  of 
land  shall  be  made  of  the  Indian  natives  but  on  be- 
half of  the  public  by  authority  of  the  General  As- 
sembly." 

Doctor  O.  F.  D.  Smyth,  traveling  through  Vir- 
ginia as  agent  for  Lord  Dunmore,  throws  the  light 
of  cotemporaneous  opinion  on  this  gigantic  land-job- 
bery of  Henderson  :  "  Under  pretence  of  viewing 
some  back  lands,  he  [Henderson]  privately  went  out 
to  the  Cherokee  nation  of  Indians  and  for  an  insig- 
nificant consideration  (only  ten  wagons  loaded  with 
cheap  goods,  some  fire  arms  and  spirituous  liquors), 
made  a  purchase  from  the  chiefs  of  the  nation  of  a 
vast  tract  of  territory,  equal  in  extent  to  a  kingdom 
and  in  the  excellence  of  climate  and  soil,  extent  of 
its  rivers  and  beautiful  elegance  of  situations  inferior 
to  none  in  the  universe.  A  domain  of  no  less  than 
100  miles  square,  situated  on  the  back  or  interior 

*  William  W,  Hening,  Statutes  of  Virginia,  I,  391,  396,  468;  II,  139; 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  III,  123,  and  Iredell  Laws  of  North  Caro- 
lina, I,  32,  Chap.  LIX. 


204 


The  Ohio   Valley 


\ 

'■ 

part  of  Virginia  and  of  North  and  South  Carolina ; 
comprehending  the  rivers  Kentucky,  Cherokee  [Curn- 
berland]  and  Ohio,  besides  a  variety  of  inferior  rivu- 
lets. .  .  .  This  transaction  he  kept  a  profound  secret, 
until  such  time  as  he  obtained  the  final  ratification  of 
the  whole  nation  in  form.  Then  he  immediately  in- 
vited settlers  from  all  the  Provinces,  offering  them 
lands  on  the  most  advantageous  terms  and  proposing 
to  them,  likewise,  to  form  a  government  and  a  legis- 
lature of  their  own,  such  as  might  be  most  convenient 

to  their  particular  circumstances  of  settlement 

Mr.  Henderson  by  this  means  established  a  new 
colony,  numerous  and  respectable,  of  which  he  him- 
self was  virtually  proprietor  as  well  as  Governor, 
and  indeed  Legislature  also.  ...  In  vain  did  the 
different  Governors  fulminate  their  proclamations  of 
outlawry  against  him  and  his  people ;  in  vain  did 
they  offer  rewards  for  apprehending  him  and  forbid 
every  person  from  joining  or  repairing  to  his  settle- 
ment ;  under  the  sanction  and  authority  of  a  general 
law  that  renders  the  formal  assent  of  the  Governors 
and  Assemblies  of  the  different  Provinces  absolutely 
necessary  to  vindicate  the  purchase  of  any  lands 
from  the  Indian  nations.  For  this  instance  being 
the  act  of  the  Indians  themselves,  they  defended  him 
and  his  colony,  being  in  fact  as  a  bulwark  and  barrier 
between  Virginia  as  well  as  North  and  South  Caro- 
lina, and  him ;  his  territory  lying  to  the  westward  of 
their  nation."*     Henderson's  scheme  failed  and  the 

•  O.  F.  D.  Smyth,  Travels  in  Virginia,  1773. 


'jri 


In  Colonial  Days. 


205 


Commonwealth  of  "  Transylvania  "  had  only  a  short 
existence.  He  had  not  thought  it  necessary  to  in- 
quire, whether  the  Cherokees,  from  whom  he  bought 
this  territory,  had  a  right  and  title  to  it.  At  the  time 
when  they  made  over  to  Henderson  the  great  domain 
of  Transylvania  they  lived  ir  towns,  either  on  the 
head  waters  of  the  Savannah  river,  the  Keowee  and 
Tugelo,  or  on  the  Tennessee,  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Holston.  They  occupied  as  hunting  grounds  the 
counties  of  Franklin  and  Elbert  in  Georgia,  the 
western  counties  of  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina 
and  of  Virginia ;  they  would  occasionally  go  down 
the  Tennessee,  but  very  rarely  on  the  Cumberland, 
and  when  they  visited  this  river  they  considered 
themselves  as  hunting  on  grounds  not  their  own.  On 
the  other  hand  the  Chickasaws,  as  Governor  Blount 
of  the  South-West  Territory*  says,  lived  for  a  long 
time  on  the  north  side  of  the  Tennessee,  at  least  fifty 
miles  lower  down  the  river,  than  the  lowest  Cherokee 
town,  and  the  greatest  contiguity  to  hunting  grounds, 
as  well  as  the  prior  use  of  them,  is  the  best  claim 
Indians  can  establish  to  them.  At  a  treaty  between 
the  Cherokees  and  Governor  Blount,  representing 
the  United  States,  made  on  Long  Island  of  Holston 
river,  a  Cherokee  chief  said  to  Henderson:  "You, 
Carolina  Dick,  have  deceived  your  people  ;  you  told 
them,  we  sold  you  the  Cumberland  lands ;  we  only 
sold  you  our  claim  ;  they  belong  to  our  brothers,  the 
Chickasaws,  as  far  as  the  head  waters  of  Duck  and 

*  American  State  Papers,  Indian  Affairs,  I,  433. 


2o6 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Elk  Rivers."  Daniel  Boone  was  employed  by  Hen- 
derson in  carrying  out  the  plans  for  organizing  this 
new  Colony.  He  was  assigned  to  the  command  of 
a  company  sent  "to  mark  out  a  road  in  the  best 
passage  from  the  settlement,  through  the  wilderness 
to  Kentucky."  Boone  pushed  this  work  rapidly,  so 
that  on  the  ist  of  April,  1775  he  had  reached  the 
place  where  the  first  fort  in  the  present  State  of  Ken- 
tucky was  erected,  and  could  begin  to  lay  the  founda- 
tion of  Boonesborough.*  Henderson  joined  Boone 
in  the  new  village  and  opened  a  land  office,  disposing 
of  over  half  a  million  of  acres  in  a  short  time,  for 
which  only  questionable  titles  could  be  given  in  the 
name  of  "  The  Proprietors  of  the  Colony  of  Tran- 
sylvania in  America."  Other  settlements  sprung  up 
in  the  new  Colony —  Harrodsburgh,  Boiling  Spring 
and  St.  Asaph's  —  which  formed  a  legislature  to 
meet  at  Boonesborough  in  1775. 

The  battles  of  Lexington  and  Concord  were 
fought ;  and  the  shot  which  was  soon  to  be  "  heard 
around  the  woHd  "  echoed  in  the  woods  of  Kentucky. 
The  days  of  Colonial  Kentucky  were  numbered  as 
the  few  inhabitants  joined  their  kinsmen  along  the 
seaboard  in  throwing  off  the  dominion  of  England, 
and  Henderson  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  scheme  of 
establishing  a  separate  and  independent  government 
similar  to  the  other  British  Colonies.  He  addressed 
a  memorial   to  the  Continental  Congress  in    1775, 


Madison  county,  Kentucky. 


In  Colonial  Days.  207 

asking  that  Transylvania  might  be  added  to  the 
United  Colonies,  rising  against  English  tyranny. 

In  going  south  from  Kentucky  ve  come  to  the 
upper  intervales  of  the  Ohio  Valley,  to  Tennessee. 
As  Rafinesque*  claims  that  Kentucky  was  discov- 
ered by  Colonel  Wood  in  1654,  so  Ramseyf  thinks 
it  possible,  that  Fernando  de  Soto,  on  the  march 
which  he  made  in  1539  from  Florida  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, may  have  passed  through  Tennessee.  But  we 
must  leave  such  speculations  to  special  investigators 
and  will  here  confine  ourselves  to  documentary  evi- 
dences, although  maps  of  the  sixteenth  century  indicate 
some  vague  knowledge  of  the  country  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  Atlantic  ocean. J  A  map  of 
de  risle§  shows  de  Soto  to  have  come  to  the  head 
waters  of  the  Tennessee  river. 

The  first  Europeans,  whom  we  positively  know  to 
have  been  in  the  Tennessee  country,  came  by  way  of 
New   Orleans   up   the   Mississippi.     M.    de   Crozat 

*  Marshall,  History  of  Kentucky. 

f  Annals  of  Tennessee,  26. 

X  I.  Americae  pars  borealis,  Florida,  Baccalaos,  Canada,  Corterealisa  Cor- 
nelio  de  Judaeis  in  lucem  edita,  1593,  has  two  rivers,  both  starting  under  the 
40th  degree  N.  L.,  one  from  the  west,  the  other  from  the  east,  which  after 
running  under  the  same  degree  join  and  immediately  separate,  to  flow  par- 
allel to  each  other  into  the  gulf.  2.  In  the  Wytfiiet  Map  of  1597,  already 
mentioned,  very  similar  to  No.  1.  3.  The  De  Bry  Map  of  1596,  has  the 
Mississippi  and  a  tributary  running  from  the  east  fairly  correct.  4.  Quadus, 
in  his  "  Geographisches  Handbook  "  (Geographical  Handbook),  1600,  fol- 
lows Judaeus. 

§  Amsterdam  edition  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega's  Histoire  des  Incas  et  de 
la  conquSte  de  la  Floride,  1707.  Other  maps  of  the  route  are  given  by  Rye 
(in  Hakluyt),  McCulloch  (Antiquarian  Researches  in  America,  Baltimore, 
1829),  and  by  J.  C.  Breevort  (in  Smith's  Narratives  of  Hernando  de  Soto). 


,I(III 


208 


The  Ohio   Valley 


had  obtained  a  grant  of  the  exclusive  trade  in  the 
territory  of  Louisiana  from  the  French  King*  and 
established  in  1714  a  trading  store,  under  charge  of 
M.  Charleville,  "  upon  a  mound  near  the  present  site 
of  Nashville,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Cumberland 
river,  near  French  Lick  creek,  and  about  seventy  yards 
from  each  stream. "f 

Hunters  and  traders  of  both  the  French  and  the 
English  nationalities  must  have  resorted  to  the 
country  east  of  the  Mississippi.  In  1718  the  French 
could  describe  the  road  taken  by  the  Indians  of 
Michigan  and  Lake  Huron,  "  when  going  to  war  with 
the  Flatheads  and  other  nations  toward  Carolina, 
such  as  the  Cheraquis,  residing  on  the  river  Casqui- 
nampoj  and  the  Cha6anons."§  They  had  also  a  fort 
on  Tennessee  soil,  Fort  Assomption,  though  not 
in  the  Ohio  Valley.  Fort  Assomption  on  Chickasaw 
bluff,  where  Memphis  now  stands,  formed  a  link  in 
the  chain  of  footholds,  more  or  less  fortified,  which 
the  French  had  established  for  securing  the  communi- 
cation between  Canada  and  New  Orleans.  But  from 
an  English  source  we  have,  for  a  wonder,  the  most 
complete  description  of  the  country  given  in  these 
days  : 

.  .  .  .  "  The  great  nation  of  the  Chicazaws  [Chicka- 
saws]  whose  country  extends  above  forty  leagues  to 
the  river  of  the  Cheraquees,  which  we  shall  describe 

*  N.  y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  671. 

f  Ramsey,  Annals,  45. 

X  Old  name  of  the  Tennessee  river,  de  Lisle's  map. 

§  N.  Y.  Col.  Hist.,  IX,  886. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


209 


when  we  come  to  discourse  of  the  great  river  Hohio. 
.  .  .  .  Thirty  leagues  higher  on  the  East  side  is  the 
opening  of  a  river  that  proceeds  out  of  a  lake  twenty 
miles  long,  which  is  about  ten  miles  from  the  Mescha- 
cebe.  Into  this  lake  empty  themselves  four  large 
rivers.  The  most  northerly,  which  comes  from  the 
North  East  is  called  Ouabachicou  or  Ouabache,  upon 
which  dwelt  the  nations  Chachakingua,  Pepepicokia, 
Peanguichia.  The  next  South  of  this  is  the  vast 
river  Hohio,  which  comes  from  the  back  of  New 
York,  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  is  navigable  for 
600  miles.  Hohio  in  the  Indian  language  signifies 
the  fair  river ;  and  certainly  it  runs  from  its  heads 
through  the  most  beautiful  fertile  countries  in  the 
universe  and  is  formed  by  the  confluence  of  ten  or 
twelve  rivers  and  innumerable  rivulets.  A  town  set- 
tled upon  this  lake  or  the  entrance  of  the  river  Hohio 
thereinto,  would  have  communication  with  a  most 
lovely  fruitful  country  600  miles  square.  Formerly, 
divers  nations  dwelt  on  this  river,  as  the  Chawanoes, 
a  mighty  and  very  populous  people,  who  had  above 
fifty  towns  and  many  other  nations,  who  were  totally 
destroyed  or  driven  out  of  their  country  by  the 
Irocois,  this  river  being  their  usual  road,  when  they 
make  war  upon  the  nations  who  lie  to  the  South  or 
to  the  West. 

"  South  of  the  Hohio  is  another  river,  which  about 
thirty  leagues   above  the  lake   is  divided   into  two 
branches  ;  the  northerly  is  called  Ouespere,  the  south- 
erly the  Black  River ;  there  are  very  few  people  upon 
27 


2IO 


The  Ohio   Valley 


either,  they  having  been  destroyed  or  driven  away  by 
the  aforementioned  Irocois.  The  heads  of  this  river 
proceed  from  the  West  side  of  the  vast  ridge  of 
mountains  which  run  on  the  back  of  Carolina,  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland ;  on  whose  opposite  or  East  side 
are  the  sources  of  the  great  river  Pctomack.  .  .  .  The 
mountains  afford  a  short  passage  or  communication 
between  those  two  rivers,  which  the  Indians  are  well 
acquainted  with.  .  .  . 

"  The  most  southerly  of  the  above  said  four  rivers, 
which  enter  into  the  lake,  is  a  river  some  call  Kasqui, 
so  named  from  a  nation  inhabiting  a  little  above  its 
mouth  ;  others  call  it  the  Cusates  or  the  river  of  the 
Cheraquees,  a  mighty  nation,  among  whom  it  has  its 
chief  fountains ;  it  comes  from  the  South-East  and 
its  heads  are  among  the  mountains,  which  separate 
this  country  from  Carolina,  and  is  the  great  road 
of  the  traders  from  thence  to  the  Meschacebe  and 
intermediate  places."* 

To  counteract  the  French  influences  among  the 
Indians,  Sir  Alexander  Cumming  start,ed  in  1730,  to 
hold  a  conference  with  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Cherokee 
townsf  at  Nequassee,  on  the  Hiawassee  river,J  at 
which  Moytoy  of  Telliquo§  was  appointed  head  chief 
of  the  Cherokee  Indians.  Moytoy  had  the  crown 
brought  from  the  village  of  Tenassee  on  the  Little 
Tennessee  river  and  presented  it  to  the  English  Com- 

*  Dkiniel  Coxe,  Description  of  Carolina,  1722. 

f  See  Appendix  E. 

X  A  small  tributary  of  the  Tennessee. 

§  Probably  the  modern  Tellico. 


mL 


Tn  Colonial  Days.  2 1 1 

missioner,  Sir  Alexander  dimming,  in  token  of  his 
submission.  Upon  his  advice  some  chiefs  of  the  tribe 
were  sent  to  England  and  did  homage  there  to  King 
George.*  English  state-craft  appears  not  to  have  been 
able  to  secure  by  treaty  permanent  immunity  from 
Indian  invasions.  A  memorial  from  the  Governor,  the 
President  of  the  Council  and  the  Speaker  of  the  As- 
sembly of  South  Carolina  sent  to  King  George  in 
1734,  says  :  "  The  Cherokee  nation  has  lately  become 
very  insolent  to  our  traders,  and  we  beg  leave  to  in- 
form Your  Majesty  that  the  building  and  mounting 
some  forts  among  them  may  keep  them  steady  in 
their  fidelity  to  us  and  that  the  means  of  the  province 
are  inadequate  to  its  defence."f  But  it  took  the 
English  government  twenty-two  years  to  arrive  at  a 
decision  in  this  matter,  when  the  Earl  of  Loudon, 
commanding  the  Royal  troops  in  America,  and  Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddie  of  Virginia,  sent  Andrew  Lewis  to 
build  a  fort  on  Tennessee  river  near  ;he  head  of  navi- 
gation and  about  thirty  miles  from  the  present  city 
of  Knoxville.  The  erection  of  this  fort.  Fort  Lou- 
don, although  at  all  times  a  place  very  difficult  and 
in  case  of  an  Indian  war,  impossible  to  reach  with 
supplies,  had  the  hearty  approval  of  the  Cherokees, 
who,  says  Haywood,  J  "  invited  artizans  into  Fort 
Loudon  by  donations  of  land,  which  they  caused  to 
be  signed  by  their  own  chief  and,  in  one  instance,  by 

§  Hewitt,  History  of  South  Carolina,  \l,  5. 

t  lb..  II,  37. 

t  Haywood,  Civil  History  of  Tennessee,  p.  28.  .  ;! 


212 


The  Ohio   Valley 


I 


Gov.  Dobbs  of  North  Carolina."  Colonel  Byrd, 
of  Virginia,  marched  into  the  country  in  1 758,  and 
built  Fort  Chissel,  garrisoning  it  with  part  of  his  regi- 
ment. Another  fort  was  established  by  him  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Holston  river.  These  forts  and 
the  garrisons  in  them  seemed  to  make  the  country 
desirable  for  permanent  settlement  and  people  began 
to  stream  in ;  when  estranged  from  their  allegiance 
to  the  English  by  dexterous  French  agents,  the 
Cherokees  commenced  again  hostilities.  The  ensuing 
war  was  bitter  and  disastrous  ;  the  only  white  settle- 
ment within  the  boundaries  of  the  present  State  of 
Tennessee,  around  Fort  Loudon,  was  entirely  broken 
up,  and  quiet  was  only  restored  when,  in  1761,  the 
Cherokees,  much  weakened,  sued  for  peace  and  en- 
tered into  a  new  treaty  of  amity  with  the  Colonial 
troops.  Either  the  expedition  of  Colonel  Bouquet, 
spoken  of  in  a  former  chapter,  had  an  effect  on  the 
Indians  south  of  the  Ohio,  or  the  absence  of  settle- 
ments, to  be  plundered,  kept  them  on  their  good  be- 
havior, and  the  parties  of  hunters  and  explorers,  who 
began  to  traverse  the  country  in  every  direction  had 
no  cause  to  complain  of  the  treatment  by  the  abo- 
riginal inhabitants.  But  no  new  farms  were  made  until 
1 768,  when  ten  families  came  from  near  the  present 
Raleigh,  North  Carolina,  and  established  themselves 
on  the  Watauga.*  Other  people  from  North  Caro. 
lina  and  Virginia  followed,  and  "  about  the  years 
1768,  1769  and  1770,  such  was  the  reigning  fashion 

*  A  branch  of  the  Holston. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


213 


of  the  time  as  eminently  promoted  the  emigration  of 
its  people  from  North  Carolina."*  The  same  causes, 
which  induced  Daniel  Boone  to  remove  from  the 
Yadkin,  made  a  body  of  the  North  Carolinians  rise, 
under  the  name  of  Regulators,  against  the  oppression 
of  Royal  officials,  and  when  defeated  in  a  fight  on 
the  Alamance  creek.f  some  of  them  fled  to  the  fast- 
nesses on  the  Holston  river.  The  taxation  of  the 
people  had  become  so  unbearable,  that  the  land-owner 
had  to  seek  new  fields  in  which  to  repair  his  broken 
fortunes,  and  the  poorer  classes  were  compelled  to  go 
somewhere  in  search  of  independence  and  a  respect- 
able existence.  These  were  powerful  incentives  and 
the  people  obeyed  them  by  streaming  into  the  country 
west  of  the  mountains. 

At  the  head  of  the  little  Colony,  formed  on  the 
Watauga,  was  James  Robertson,  who  distinguished 
himself  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution  and  became 
in  many  ways  closely  identified  with  the  history  of 
the  State  of  Tennessee.  The  new  settlement  in- 
creased rapidly  in  population,  and  within  three  years 
was  able  to  muster  about  three  hundred  men  able  to 
bear  arms. 

The  policy  of  a  government  will  gradually  warp 
the  intellect  of  the  people.  As  the  British  govern- 
ment claimed  to  be  the  owner  of  all  lands  east  of  the 
Mississippi  by  the  conquest  of  the  French,  without 
consideration  for  Indian  rights,  so  this  settlement  on 

*  Haywood,  p.  39. 

f  Runs  into  Haw  river,  North  Carolina. 


214 


The  Ohio   Valley 


i 


the  Watauga  found  itself  on  Indian  territory  as  tres- 
passers. For  the  treaty,  made  between  Virginia  and 
the  Cherokees,  established  the  boundary  line  from 
White  Top  mountain  westward  to  Holston  river,  on 
a  parallel  of  about  36°  N.  L.  Alexander  Cameron 
the  Deputy  Agent  of  Indian  Affairs  residing  among 
the  Cherokees  was,  therefore,  only  fulfilling  his  duty 
when  he  ordered  the  settlers  to  move  off.  But  some 
of  the  Cherokees  expressed  a  desire  that  the  tres- 
passers might  be  permitted  to  remain,  provided  they 
would  make  no  further  encroachments. 

The  settlers  took  advantage  of  this  favorable  and 
friendly  disposition  shown  by  the  owners  of  the  land. 
They  deputed  James  Robertson  and  John  Bean,  in 
1 771,  to  treat  with  their  landlords  on  a  basis  of 
accommodation  and  amicable  intercourse.  The  nego- 
tiations resulted  in  a  lease  for  eight  years,  for  although 
unwilling  to  give  up  their  lands  for  no  equivalent, 
they  consented  to  lease  all  the  country  along  the 
waters  of  the  Watauga  for  a  stipulated  amount  of 
merchandise,  muskets  and  other  Indian  goods.  The 
next  year  a  similar  settlement  was  made  on  the  Noli- 
chuky  river,  under  like  circumstances,  by  Jacob 
Brown,  and  two  other  families  from  North  Carolina. 
The  sums  paid  out  under  the  above  conditions  were 
recovered  by  sales  of  land  to  new  comers  and  thus  a 
nursery  of  population  was  planted  in  East  Ten- 
nessee. 

To  our  modern  mind  the  situation  of  these  pioneers 
of  European  civilization  in  the  heart  of  the  great 


In  Colonial  Days. 


215 


American  wilderness  offers  a  most  romantic  picture. 
They  were  far  removed  from  the  parent  provinces, 
separated  from  them  by  trackless  forests  and  high 
mountain  ranges  ;  their  governments  could  neither 
control  nor  protect  them  and  had  most  likely  forgot- 
ten their  very  existence.  It  was  almost  a  repetition 
of  the  story  told  by  the  Good  Book  of  Adam  and 
Eve  in  Paradise.  And  this  story  happened  not  much 
more  than  100  years  ago. 

Apparently  the  peaceful  spirit  of  Paradise  pervaded 
the  new  settlements,  for  we  hear  of  no  discords  among 
the  inhabitants  and  of  no  hostile  encounters  with  the 
Indians. 

The  rapid  increase  of  population  told  the  leading 
men  on  the  Watauga  and  on  the  Nolichuky,  that  a 
code  of  laws  was  indispensable  for  the  maintenance 
of  this  no  less  remarkable,  than  beneficial  condition. 
It  was  drawn  up  to  be  signed  by  every  individual. 
If  any  one  should  refuse,  he  was  to  be  debarred  from 
its  benefits,  but  every  settler  signed  it.  The  new 
laws  provided  for  the  election  of  magistrates,  called 
trustees,  by  whom  all  controversies  were  to  be  de- 
cided conformably  to  the  written  code.  Thus  organ- 
ized, their  affairs  continued  prosperous  till  the 
commencement  of  the  war  for  Independence.  The 
population  had  then  increased  to  such  an  extent,  that 
about  800  riflemen  could  join  their  friends  in  the  con- 
test for  libertv. 

The  settling  of  West  Tennessee  falls  into  a  period 
a  few  years  later  and  therefore  is  not  to  be  treated  of 


iir 


216 


The  Ohio   Valley 


here.  But  like  that  of  East  Tennessee  it  was  full  of 
incidents,  which  compel  our  admiration  for  the  courage 
and  astuteness  of  the  men  who  followed  the  advice 
of  the  late  Horace  Greeley,  **  Go  West,  young  man," 
before  it  was  given.  They  were  surrounded  by  so 
many  concentric  circles  of  danger  and  perplexities, 
that  human  assistance  was  out  of  the  question.  Their 
nearest  neighbors,  at  Lexington,  were  200  miles 
away  and  scarce  able  to  protect  themselves.  The 
settlement  at  Holston  was  3CXD  miles  from  them  and 
no  roads  led  there.  But  notwithstanding  these  diffi- 
culties they  were  preserved  and  prospered  and  are 
now  a  rich  and  vigorous  people. 


I 


In  Colonial  Days. 


217 


APPENDIX  A. 


Extract  from  the  Journal  of  Galin:6e.* 

After  thirty-five  days  of  very  difficult  navigation 
we  arrived  at  a  small  river,  called  by  the  Indians 
"  Karontaguat,"  which  is  the  nearest  point  on  the  lake 
to  "  Sonnontouan,"  and  about  100  leagues  South 
West  of  Montreal 43°  12  N.  Lat.  .  .  .  M.  Col- 
lier, M.  de  la  Salle  and  myself  consulted  together,  in 
order  to  determine  in  what  manner  we  should  act, 
what  we  should  offer  for  presents  and  how  we  should 
give  them.  It  was  determined,  that  I  should  go  to 
the  village  with  M.  de  la  Salle  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  a  captive  taken  from  the  nation,  whom  we 
desired  to  visit,  who  could  conduct  us  thither  and 
that  we  should  take  with  us  eight  of  our  Frenchmen, 
leaving  the  rest  with  M.  Dollier  in  charge  of  our 
canoes.  .  .  .  When  we  were  within  a  league  of  the 

village  the  halts  were  more   frequent until  we 

finally  came  in  sight  of  the  great  village.  ...  In  order 
to  reach  it  we  had  to  ascend  a  small  hill,  on  the  edge 
of  wh'ch  the  village  is  situated.  As  soon  as  we  had 
ascended  the  hill,  we  saw  a  large  number  of  old  men 
seated  on  the  grass,  expecting  our  approach.     They 

*  Ren6  de  Brehan  de  Galin6e,  a  missionary  of  the  Order  of  St.  Sulpitius, 
who  became  one  of  la  Salle's  companions,  as  stated  in  the  text,  is  the  writer 
of  this  journal.  He  was  we'l  acquainted  with  the  Algonquin  dialect  and 
had  some  reputation  as  survevor  and  astronomer. 

28 


2l8 


The  Ohio   Valley 


had  left  a  convenient  place  in  front,  in  which  they 

invited  us  to  sit  down. 

*  'k  ^  *  #  * 

The  third  and  last  present,  which  we  gave,  were 
two  coats,  four  kettles,  six  hatchets  and  some  glass 
beads,  with  which  we  announced,  that  we  had  come 
on  the  part  of  Onontio,*  to  see  the  people  called  by 
them  "Toagenha"f  living  on  the  river  Ohio  and  we 
asked  from  them  a  captive  of  that  country,  to  be  our 
guide.  They  considered  it  was  necessary  to  think 
over  our  proposition.  .  .  .  We  thus  consumed  the 
time  for  eight  or  ten  days.  .  .  .  During  our  stay  at 
that  village,  we  inquired  particularly  about  the  road 
we  must  take  to  reach  the  Ohio  river  and  were  told 
to  go  in  search  of  it  from  Sonnontouan.  That  it 
required  six  days'  journey  by  land  of  about  twelve 
leagues  each.  J 

This  induced  us  to  believe,  that  we  possibly  could 
not  reach  it  in  that  way,  as  we  would  hardly  be  able 
to  carry  for  so  long  a  journey  our  necessary  pro- 
visions, much  less  our  baggage.  But  they  told  us  at 
the  same  time,  that  in  going  to  find  it  by  the  way  of 
Lake  Erie,  in  canoes,  we  would  have  only  a  portage 
of  three  days  before  reaching  that  river,  reaching  it 
at  a  point  much  nearer  to  the  people,  whom  we  de- 
sired to  find,  than  by  way  of  Sonnontouan. 

*  Onontio  means  Great  Mountain  and  was  the  Iroquois  name  for  Gov- 
ernor Montmagny,  and  later  all  the  other  French  Governors. 

fOtoagannha=  People  speaking  corrupt  Algonquin.  Relation,  1661-2, 
p.  9. 

X  Probably  by  portages  from  the  head  of  the  Genesee  to  the  Alleghany. 


In  Colonial  Days.  219 

What  troubled  us  however  more  than  all  else  was, 
what  the  Indians  told  our  Dutch  interpreter.  They 
called  him  insane  for  wishing  to  go  to  the  Toagenhas, 
who  were  a  very  bad  people,  sure  to  k'll  us.  Besides 
this,  we  would  run  great  risk  along  the  river  Ohio  of 
meeting  the  Ontastoes,*  who  would  most  certainly 
break  our  heads.  Therefore  the  Senecas  were  not 
willing  to  go  with  us,  as  they  feared  that  our  deaths 
would  be  charged  to  them.  .  .  .  We  were  relieved  of 
all  this  difficulty  by  the  arrival  from  the  Dutch  of  an 
Indian,  who  lodged  in  our  cabin.  His  home  was  the 
village  of  one  of  the  Five  cantons  of  Iroquois  at  the 
end  of  Lake  Ontario.  This  Indian  assured  us,  that 
we  would  have  no  trouble  in  finding  a  guide,  as  a 
number  of  captives  from  the  tribes  we  desired  to 
visit  were  in  his  village  and  he  would  cheerfully  con- 
duct us  to  his  home. 

It  was  under  the  influence  of  these  hopes,  that  we 

left   the    Sonnontouans We   waited   here    (at 

Ganastogue  Sonontoua  O-tin-a-oua-ta-oua)  until  the 
chiefs  of  the  village  came  to  meet  us  with  some  men 
to  carry  our  effects.  .  .  .  They  made  us  still  another 
present  of  about  5000  wampum  and  afterwards  two 
captives  for  guides.  One  of  them  belonged  to  the 
Chouanons  nation,  the  other  to  the  Nez  Perces.  The 
Chouanon  fell  to  M.  de  la  Salle,  the  other  to  us. 

*  The  Andastes  or  Guyandots  may  be  meant.  They  lived,  according  to 
Gallatin  (Syn.  Ind.  Tr.  76),  on  the  Alleghany  river.  The  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, in  which  they  were  engaged  at  this  time,  ended  in  their  destruction, 
1672. 


220 


The  Ohio   Valley 


APPENDIX  B. 

A  Journal  from  Virginia  Beyond  the  Appala- 
chian Mountains  in  SEPT^  1671,  sent  to  the 
Royal  Society  by  M"  Clayton,  and  Read  Aug. 
I,  1688,  before  the  said  Society. 

1671 

Sep^'  I.  Thomas  Batts,  Thomas  Woods,  and  Rob- 
ert Fallam,  having  received  a  commission  from  the 
Hon'ble  Major  General  Wood  for  the  finding  out  the 
ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  Water  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Mountains,  in  order  to  the  discovery  of  the 
South  Sea,  accompanied  with  Perecute,  a  great  Man 
of  the  Apomatack  Indians,  and  Jack  Neasam,  for- 
merly Servant  to  Major  General  Wood  with  five 
horses  set  forward  from  the  Apomatacks  Town  about 
eight  of  the  Clock  in  the  morning,  being  Friday 
Sept'.  I'S  1 67 1.  That  day  we  travelled  about  40 
Miles,  took  up  our  quarters,  and  found,  that  we  had 
travelled  from  the  Okenechee  path  due  West. 

Sep*'  2.  We  travelled  about  45  Miles  and  came  to 
our  quarters  at  Sun  set,  and  found  we  were  to  the 
North  of  the  West. 

Sep*'  3.  We  travelled  West  and  by  South  Course 
and  about  three  o'Clock  came  to  a  great  swamp  a 
Mile  and  a  half  or  two  Miles  over,  and  very  difficult 
to  pass.  We  led  our  horses  thro'  and  waded  twice 
over  a  River  emptying  itself  into  Roanoke  River. 
After  we  were  over  we  went  North  west  and  so  came 


In  Colonial  Days.  221 

round  and  took  up  our  quarters  West  this  day  we 
travelled  40  Miles  good. 

Sep'  4.  We  set  forward  and  about  two  of  the  Clock 
arrived  at  the  Sapony  Indians  Town.  We  travelled 
South  and  by  West  course  till  about  noon,  and  came 
to  the  Sapony  West.  Here  we  were  very  joyfully 
and  kindly  received  with  firing  of  Guns  and  plenty 
of  provision.  We  here  hired  a  Sapony  Indian  to 
be  our  Guide  towards  the  Totoras  a  nearer  way 
than  usual. 

Sep"-  5.    I  wot  as  we  were  ready  to  take  horse  and 
March  from  the  Sapony's,  about  seven  of  the  Clock 
in  the  morning  we  heard  some  guns  go  off  from  the 
other  side  of  the  River.     They  were  seven  Apoma- 
tack  Indians  sent  by  Major  General  Wood  to  accom- 
pany us  in  our  Voyage.     We  hence  sent  back  a  horse 
belonging  to  M""  Thomas  Wood  which  was  tired,  by  a 
Portugal  belonging  to  Major  General  Wood,  whom 
we  here  found.     About  eleven  of  the  Clock  we  set 
forward   and  that  night  came  to  the  Town  of  the 
Flanakaskies  which  we  judge  to  be  25  Miles  from  the 
Sapony's  and  received  the  like  or  better  entertain- 
ment than  from  the  Sapony's     The  Town  lying  west 
and  by  North  is  an  Island  on  the  Sapony  River,  rich 
land. 

Sep**-  6.  About  1 1  of  the  Clock  we  set  forward 
from  the  Flanakaskies  but  left  M""  Thomas  Wood  at 
the  Town  dangerously  sick  of  the  Flux  and  the  horse 
he  rode  on  belonging  to  Major  General  Wood  was 
likewise  taken  with  the   staggers  and  a   failing  in 


ii'.  .,;S''    I 

m  i 


2  22  T/ie  Ohio  Valley 

his  hinder  parts.  Our  course  was  this  Day  West 
and  by  South,  and  we  took  up  our  quarters  West 
about  20  Miles  from  the  Town.  This  afternoon  our 
horses  stray'd  away  about  one  of  the  Clock. 

Sep*"^  7.  We  set  forward  about  three  of  the  Clock. 
We  had  sight  of  the  Mountains.  We  travelled  25 
Miles  over  very  hilly  and  stony  Ground,  our  course 
westerly. 

Sep*"^  8.  We  set  out  by  sun  rise,  and  travelled  all 
day  a  west  and  by  north  course,  about  one  of  the 
Clock  we  came  to  a  Tree  mark'd  in  the  path  with  a 
Coal  M  A.  N  J  about  four  of  the  Clock  we  came  to 
the  foot  of  the  first  Mountain  went  to  the  Top,  and 
then  came  to  a  small  descent,  and  so  did  rise  again, 
and  then  till  we  came  almost  to  the  bottom  was  a 
very  steep  descent.  We  travelled  all  day  over  very 
Stony  Rocky  ground  and  after  30  Miles  travell  this 
day  we  came  to  our  quarters  at  the  foot  of  the  Moun- 
tain due  West.  We  past  the  Sapony  River  twice 
this  Day. 

Sep**^  9.  We  were  stirring  with  the  Sun  and  trav- 
elled West  and  after  a  little  riding  came  again  to  the 
Sapony  River,  where  it  was  very  narrow,  and  ascended 
the  second  Mountain  which  wound  up  west  and  by 
South  with  several  risings  and  fallings,  after  which 
we  came  to  a  steep  descent  at  the  foot  whereof  was 
a  lovely  descending  Valley  about  six  Miles  over,  with 
curious  small  risings :  indifferent  good  way.  Our 
course  over  it  was  South  West,  after  we  were  over 
that  we  came  to  a  very  steep  descent  at  the  foot 


i  mi 


In  Colonial  Days,  223 

where  of  stood  the  Tatera  Town  in  a  very  rich  swamp 
between  a  branch  of  the  main  River  of  Roanoke, 
circled  about  with  Mountains,  we  got  thither  about 
three  of  the  Clock,  after  we  had  travelled  25  Miles. 
Here  we  were  exceedingly  civilly  entertained.  Sat- 
urday night  Sunday,  and  Monday  we  staid  at  the 
Toteras  Perecute  being  taken  very  sick  of  a  fever 
and  ague  every  afternoon  notwithstanding  on  Tues- 
day Morning  about  nine  of  the  clock  we  resolved  to 
leave  our  horses  with  the  Toteras  and  set  forward. 

Sep'"^  12.  We  left  the  Town  West  and  by  North. 
We  Travelled  that  day  sometimes  southerly  some- 
times northerly,  as  the  path  went  over  several  high 
mountains  and  steep  Vallies  crossing  several  branches 
and  the  River  Roanoke  several  times,  all  exceedingly 
stony  ground  untill  about  four  o  Clock  Perecute 
being  taken  with  his  fit  and  we  were  very  weary,  we 
took  up  our  quarters  by  the  side  of  Roanoke  River 
almost  at  the  head  of  it  at  the  foot  of  the  Great 
Mountain.  Our  course  was  West  and  by  North, 
having  travelled  25  Miles,  at  the  Toteras  we  hired 
one  of  their  Indians  for  our  Guide,  and  left  one  of 
the  Apomatack  Indians  there  sick. 

Sep*""  13.  In  the  Morning  we  set  forward  early, 
after  we  had  travelled  about  three  Miles  we  came  to 
the  foot  of  the  great  Mountain,  and  found  a  very 
steep  ascent,  so  that  we  could  scarce  keep  ourselves 
from  sliding  down  again.  It  continued  for  three 
Miles  with  small  intermission  of  better  way.  Right 
up  by  the  Path  on  the  left  we  saw  the  proportion  of 


224 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  Man*  there  growing  very  high  weeds  and  grass 
about  it,  but  nothing  but  moss  on  the  place.  When 
we  were  got  up  to  the  top  of  the  Mountain  and  set 
down  very  weary  we  saw  very  high  Mountains  lying 
to  the  north  and  South  as  far  as  we  could  discern. 
Our  Course  up  the  Mountain  was  West  and  by  North 
a  very  small  descent  on  the  other  side,  and  as  soon 
as  over  we  found  the  Vallies  tending  westerly.  It 
was  a  pleasing  tho  dreadfull  sight  to  see  the  Moun- 
tains and  Hills  as  if  piled  one  upon  another.  After  we 
had  travelled  about  three  miles  from  the  Mountains 
easily  descending  ground  about  1 2  of  the  Clock  we 
came  to  two  Trees  mark'd  with  a  Coal  M.  A.  N  J 
the  other  cut  in  with  M.  A.  and  several  other  scrable- 
ments  hard  by  a  run  just  like  the  swift  Creek  at  M"^ 
Randolphs  in  Virginia,  emptying  itself  sometimes 
westerly  sometimes  northerly,  with  curious  meadows 
on  each  side,  going  forward  we  found  rich  ground 
but  stony  curious  rising  hills  and  brave  meadows 
with  grass  above  man's  height  many  Rivers  running 
West  north  West  and  several  runs  from  the  South- 
erly Mountains,  which  we  saw  as  we  marched,  which 
run  northerly  into  the  great  River.  After  we  had 
travelled  about  7  Miles  we  came  to  a  very  steep  de- 
scent where  we  found  a  great  run,  which  emptied 
itself  as  we  supposed  into  the  great  River  northerly 
our  Course  being  as  the  path  went,  west  south  west, 
We  set  forward  West  and  had  not  gone  far,  but  we 

*  Whereof  they  had  given  an  account  it  seems  in  a  former  Relation  which 
I  have  not.    (Note  of  Mr.  Clayton.) 


In  Colonial  Days. 


225 


met  again  with  the  River  still  broad,  running  West 
and  by  North.  We  went  over  the  great  run  empty- 
ing itself  northerly  into  the  great  River.  After  we 
had  marched  about  6  Miles  north  West  and  by  North 
we  came  to  the  River  again  where  it  was  much 
broader  than  at  the  two  other  places.  It  ran  here 
west  and  by  South  and  so  as  we  suppose  wound  up 
westerly.  Here  we  took  up  our  quarters,  after  we 
had  waded  over,  for  this  night  due  west.  The  soil 
the  farther  we  went,  the  richer.  Stony,  full  of  brave 
meadows  and  old  fields.* 

Sep''  14.  We  set  forward  before  sun  rise  our  pro- 
vision being  all  spent.  We  travelled  as  the  path  went 
sometimes  southerly  sometimes  northerly  over  good 
ground  but  stony,  sometimes  rising  hills,  and  then 
steep  descents,  as  we  marched  in  a  clear  place  at  the 
top  of  a  hill  we  saw  ag'  us  lying  south  West  a  curious 
prospect  of  hills  like  waves  raised  by  a  gentle  breese 
of  wind  rising  one  after  another.  M*^  Batt  supposed 
he  saw  houses :  but  I  rather  think  them  to  be  white 
Cliffs.  We  marched  about  20  Miles  this  day  and 
about  three  of  the  Clock  took  up  our  quarters  to  see 
if  our  Indians  could  kill  us  some  Deer,  being  West 
and  by  North  very  weary  and  hungry  and  Perecute 
continuing  very  ill  yet  desirous  to  go  forward.  We 
came  this  day  over  several  brave  runs  and  hope  to- 
morrow to  see  the  Main  River  again. 


*  Old  fields  is  a  common  expression  for  Land  that  has  been  cultivated  by 
Indians,  and  left  fallow,  which  are  generally  overrun  with  what  they  call 
broome  grats.     (Note  in  the  original  MSS.) 


39 


ill 


ii^lii 


I  nil 


li:,-. 


ir 


IW: 


'm6 


The  Oh  JO   Valley 


Scp"^  15.  Yesterday  in  the  afternoon  and  this  day 
we  lived  a  dog's  Hfe  hunger  and  Ease  Our  Indians 
having  done  their  best  could  kill  us  no  meat.  The 
deer  they  said  were  in  such  herds  and  the  ground  so 
dry  that  one  or  other  of  them  would  spy  them.  No 
remedy.  About  one  of  the  Clock  we  set  forward 
and  went  about  16  Miles  over  some  exceeding  good 
and  some  indifferent  ground  a  West  and  by  North 
course  till  we  came  to  a  great  run,  that  empties. itself 
west  and  by  North,  as  we  suppose  into  the  great 
River  which  we  hope  is  nigh  at  hand.  As  we 
marched  we  met  with  some  wild  geese,  berries  and 
exceeding  large  haw's,  with  which  we  were  forced  to 
feed  ourselves. 

Sep^'  16.  Our  Guide  went  from  us  Yesterday  and 
we  saw  him  no  more  till  we  returned  to  the  Toteras, 
Our  Indians  went  a  ranging  betimes  to  see  and  kill 
us  some  Deer  as  Meat.  One  came  and  told  us  they 
heard  a  drum  and  a  gun  ^<>  off  to  the  northward. 
They  brought  us  some  exceeding  good  grapes  and 
killed  two  turkies,  which  .ere  very  welcome  and  with 
which  we  refreshed  ourselves,  and  about  ten  of  the 
Clock  set  forward  and  after  we  had  travelled  about 
ten  miles,  one  of  our  Indians  killed  us  a  Deer  and 
presently  afterwards  we  had  sight  of  a  curious  River 
like  Apamatack  River  Its  Course  here  was  north 
and  so  at;  we  suppose  runs  West  about  certain 
curious  Mountains  we  saw  westward.  Here  we  took 
up  our  quarters  our  course  having  been  West.  We 
understand  the  Mohecan  Indians  did  here  formerly 


In  Colonial  Days, 


227 


live.     It  cannot  be  long  since  for  we  find  corn  stalks 
in  the  ground. 

Sep''  1 7.  Early  in  the  Morning  we  went  to  seek 
some  trees  to  mark,  our  Indians  being  impatient  of 
longer  stay,  by  reason  it  was  like  to  be  bad  weather 
and  that  it  was  so  difficult  to  get  provision.  We 
found  four  Trees  exceeding  fit  for  our  purpose,  that 
had  been  half  barked  by  our  Indians,  standing  one 
after  the  other.  We  first  proclaimed  the  King  in 
these  words  :  "  Long  live  Charles  the  Second  by  the 
"  Grace  of  God  King  of  England,  Scotland,  France, 
"  and  Ireland  and  Virginia  and  of  all  the  Territories 
*'  thereunto  belonging.  Defender  of  the  Faith  &c  " 
fired  some  guns  and  went  to  the  first  tree  which  we 
marked   thus  I     i     I  with  a  pair  of   marking   Irons 

Majesty  then  the  next  thus  WB 
hon'ble    Governor  S'   William 


for  his  sacred 
for  the  right 


Berkley  the  third  thus  J^  for  the  hon'ble  Major  Gen- 
eral Wood  the  last  thus  '^  :  R  V.  V  for  Perecute 
who  said  he  would  turn  Englishman  and  on  another 
tree  hard  by  these  letters  one  under  another  E.  N. 
TT.  N  P.  VER.  after  we  had  done  we  went  our  selves 
down  to  the  River  side,  but  not  without  great  diffi- 
culty it  being  a  piece  of  very  rich  ground  whereon 
the  Moketans  {sic)  had  formerly  lived  and  grown  up 
so  with  weeds  and  small  prickly  locusts  and  thistles' to 
a  very  great  hight  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to 
pass.  It  cost  us  hard  labour  to  get  through.  When 
we  came  to  the  River  side  we  found  it  better  and 
broader  than  we  expected  much  like  James  River  at 


228 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Col.  Staggs  the  falls  much  like  these  falls,  we  imag- 
ined by  the  Water  marks  that  it  flows  here  about 
three  feet.  It  was  ebbing  Water  when  we  were  here. 
We  set  up  a  Stick  by  the  Water  side,  but  found  it 
ebb  very  slowly.  Our  Indians  kept  such  a  hallowing, 
that  we  durst  not  stay  any  longer  to  make  farther 
trial.  Immediately  upon  our  coming  to  our  quarters, 
we  returned  homewards,  and  when  we  were  on  the 
Top  of  the  hill,  we  turned  about  and  saw  over  against 
us  westerly  over  a  certain  delightfull  hill  a  fog  arise 
and  a  glimmering  light  as  from  Water.  We  suppose 
there  to  be  a  great  Bay.  We  came  to  the  Toteras 
tuesday  night,  where  we  found  our  horses  well  and 
ourselves  well  entertained.  We  immediately  had  the 
news  of  M'  Byrd  and  his  great  Company  Discovery 
three  miles  from  the  Toteras  Town.  We  here  found 
a  Mohekan  Indian  who  having  intelligence  of  our 
coming  were  afraid  it  had  been  to  fight  them,  and 
had  sent  him  to  the  Toteras  to  inquire.  We  gave 
him  satisfaction  to  the  contrary  and  that  we  came  as 
friends,  presented  him  with  three  or  four  Shots  of 
Powder.  He  told  us  by  our  Interpreter,  that  we  had 
from  the  Mountains  half  way  to  the  place  they  now 
lived  at.  That  the  next  town  beyond  them  lived 
upon  plain  level,  from  whence  came  abundance  of 
Salt.  That  he  could  inform  us  no  farther  by  reason 
that  there  were  a  very  great  company  of  Indians  that 
lived  upon  the  great  Water. 

Sep^'  21.    After  very  civil  Entertainment,  we  came 
from  the  Toteras,  and  on  Sunday  Morning  the  24^*"  we 


In  Colonial  Days. 


229 


came  to  the  Flanakaskies.  We  found  M'  Wood 
dead,  and  buried,  and  his  horse  likewise  dead,  after 
Civil  Entertainment  with  firing  of  Guns  at  parting 
which  is  more  than  usual. 

Sep*'  25.  On  Monday  morning  we  came  from  thence 
and  reached  to  the  Sapony's  that  night  where  we 
stayed  till  Wednesday. 

Sep*""  27.  We  came  from  thence,  they  having  been 
very  courteous  to  us.  At  night  we  came  to  the 
Apomatack  Town  being  very  wet  and  weary. 

Oct'  I.  Being  Sunday  Morning  we  arrived  safe  at 
Fort  Henry. 

God's  holy  name  be  praised  for  our  Preservation.* 

Extract  of   a    Letter  of   M^    Clayton   to  the 
Royal  Society,  read  to  them  Octob"*  24,  1688. 

Wakefield  ^2/^.  17.  1688. 
My  last  was  the  Journal  of  Thomas  Batts  Thomas 
Woods,  and  Robert  Fallam.  I  know  Col.  Byr'd  that 
is  mentioned  to  have  been  about  that  time  as  far  as 
the  Toteras.  He  is  one  of  the  intelligentest  Gentle- 
man in  all  Virginia  and  knows  more  of  Indian  affairs 
than  any  Man  in  the  Country.  I  discoursed  him 
about  the  River  on  the  other  side  the  Mountains  said 
to  ebb  and  flow,  which  he  assured  me  was  a  mistake 
in  them,  for  that  it  must  run  into  a  Lake  now  called 
Petite  which  is  fresh  Water,  for  since  that  time  a 
Colony  of  the  French  are  come  down  trom  Canadas 
and  have  seated  themselves  in  the  back  of  Virginia, 

*This  J-  irnal  is  also  given  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  III,  196. 


230  The  Ohio   Valley 

where  Fallam  and  the  rest  supposed  there  might  be 
a  Bay,  but  is  a  Lake,  which  they  have  given  the  name 
of  Lake  Petite,  there  being  several  large  Lakes  be- 
twixt that  and  Canada.  The  French  possessing 
themselves  of  these  Lakes  no  doubt  will  in  a  short 
time  be  absolutely  Masters  of  the  Beaver  trade,  the 
greatest  number  of  Beavers  being  caught  there. 

The  Colonel  told  me  likewise  that  the  common 
notion  of  the  Lake  of  Canada,  he  was  assured,  was 
a  mistake,  for  the  River  supposed  to  come  out  of  it 
had  no  Communication  with  any  of  the  Lakes  nor 
they  with  one  another,  but  were  distinct. 


APPENDIX  C. 

Remarks  on  the  Journal  of  Batts  and  Fallam  in 
THEIR  Discovery  of  the  Western  Parts  of  Vir- 
ginia IN  1671.  By  John  Mitchell,  M.  D.,  F.  R. 
S.  [about  1755]. 

This  Discovery  of  Batts  and  Fallam  is  well  known 
in  the  history  of  Virginia,  and  there  is  no  manner  of 
doubt  of  its  being  authentic,  altho'  it  has  not  yet 
been  published  by  the  Royal  Society.  1  he  account 
given  of  this  Discovery  by  R.  B.*  (Robert  Beverly 
Esq'^  a  gentleman  of  note  and  distinction  in  the 
Countrey  who  was  well  acquainted  with  it  and  its  his- 
tory) agrees  very  well  with  this  original  account  of 

*  History  of  Virginia. 


In  Colonial  Days.  2"?! 

it;  altho  he  is  not  so  particular  in  describing  the 
Place  that  these  Discoverers  went  to,  that  we  may  be 
able  to  fix  upon  the  spot,  which  I  think  we  may  do 
from  the  Journal  itself,  and  that  from  the  following 
considerations. 

1°.    The  Appamatrick  Town,  the  place  that  they 
went  from,  is  well  known  in  Virginia  to  this  day,  at 
least  the  River  it  stood  upon,  which  is  the  Southern 
branch  of  James  River,  that  is  well  known  by  the 
name  of  Appamatox :  and  Capt.  Smith,  who  was  at 
this  Town  of  Appamatrick,  as  he  calls  it  laies  it  down 
on  the  River  of  Appomatox  a  little  below  the  Falls 
opposite   to   where   the   Towns   of   Petersburgh   or 
Blandford  now  stand  :  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing 
his  Map  of  Virginia  with  our  Map  of  North  America. 
2\    From  this  Town  of  Appamatack  they  set  out 
along  the  path  that  leads  to  Aconeechy,  which  is  an 
Indian  Town  on  the  borders  of  Virginia  and  Caro- 
lina, marked  in  all  our  maps,  from  which  path  they 
travelled  due  west,  now  you  will  see  both  these  Roads 
laid  down  in  our  map  of  North  America,  and  exactly 
as  they  are  described  in  this  Journal,  they  being  the 
two  Roads  that  lead  from  the  Falls  of  Appamatox 
River  Southward  to  Carolina,  and  Westward  to  our 
Settlements  on  Wood  River  in  Virginia. 

3**.  This  Road  that  goes  to  the  Westward  which 
was  the  one  that  our  Travellers  went  crosses  three 
branches  of  Roanoke  River  a  little  below  the  Moun- 
tains, just  as  it  is  described  in  the  Journal  as  may  be 
seen  by  comparing  the  Journal  with  our  Map  above 


m 


232 


The  Ohio   Valley 


mentioned.  This  branch  of  Roanoke  River  is  called 
Sapony  River  in  the  Journal  which  has  been  called 
Staunton  River  (in  memory  of  the  Lady  of  the  late 
Governor  of  Virginia)  ever  since  the  Survey  of  those 
parts  in  running  the  boundary  line  between  Virginia 
and  Carolina  in  1729.  The  Sapony  and  Totera  In- 
dians mentioned  in  the  Journal  were  then  removed 
farther  South  upon  the  Islands  of  Pidee  River,  as 
may  be  seen  in  the  Map  of  Carolina  by  M"^  Mosley 
one  of  the  Surveyors  in  running  that  line,  and  they 
are  now  removed  to  the  Southward  of  that  among 
the  Catawbas  as  it  is  well  known  that  all  the  Indians 
of  those  parts  have  gone  for  many  years,  in  order  to 
protect  themselves  against  the  Iroquois  who  have 
overrun  all  those  parts,  and  here  we  find  a  River  that 
still  retains  the  name  of  Sapony  or  Johnston  River, 
but  a  great  way  to  the  Southward  of  the  River  men- 
tioned in  the  Journal  by  that  name. 

4°.  From  the  branches  of  Roanoke  River  they 
passed  over  the  Mountains  and  came  to  a  large  river 
west  of  the  Mountains  running  North  and  South, 
which  plainly  appears  from  this  account  of  it  to  have 
been  what  we  call  Wood  River  in  Virginia  which  is 
well  known  and  well  settled  by  our  People  there,  both 
above  and  below  the  Place  where  these  People  dis- 
covered it,  and  they  frequently  pass  the  Mountains 
now  in  going  to  and  from  Wood  River  about  the 
same  place  that  is  described  in  the  Journal. 

5°.  Nigh  this  River  they  saw  from  the  Tops  of  the 
Mountains  an  appearance  of  a  Water  at  a  distance, 


In  Colonial  Days. 


233 


like  a  Lake  or  Arm  of  the  Sea.  The  same  observa- 
tion is  made  by  another  Person  M'  Christopher  Gist 
who  lately  surveyed  this  Country  hereabouts,  and 
indeed  upon  the  spot  described  in  the  Journal,  as 
appears  from  both  their  Routes  as  laid  down  in  our 
Map  abovementioned,  which  cross  one  another  about 
the  place  where  these  discoverers  fell  in  with  the 
great  River,  as  they  call  it.  The  water  seen  by  Gist 
was  known  by  him  to  be  Wood  River  a  little  lower 
down,  where  it  passes  a  great  ridge  of  the  Mountains 
that  lye  to  the  Westward. 

6°.  When  they  arrived  at  this  River,  they  were  in- 
formed of  a  numerous  and  warlike  nation  of  Indians, 
that  lived  on  the  great  water,  and  made  Salt,  the 
accounts  of  whom  prevented  their  going  any  farther ; 
all  which  is  agreeable  to  the  History  of  those  Times. 
The  Indians  they  mean  were  the  ancient  Chawanoes, 
or  Chaouanous,  who  lived  to  the  Westward  and  North- 
ward of  the  Place  that  these  Discoverers  were  at : 
and  were  at  this  time,  1671,  engaged  in  a  hot  and 
bloody  war  with  the  Iroquois  in  which  they  were  so 
closely  pressed  at  this  time  that  they  were  entirely 
extirpated  or  incorporated  with  the  Iroquois  the  year 
following.  These  people  might  make  salt  no  doubt 
as  the  present  inhabitants  of  those  parts  do,  from  the 
many  Salt  Springs  that  are  found  on  the  Rivers  Ohio 
and  Missisipi.  And  as  for  the  great  water  that  they 
lived  upon  that  appears  even  by  name  to  have  been 
the  Missisipi,  which  is  so  called  from  Mescha,  Cebe 
two  words  in  the  Indian  Language  that  signify  the 
30 


234 


The  Ohio   Valley 


great  River  or  Water,  so  that  if  we  had  the  Indian 
name  of  this  great  water  mentioned  by  our  Travel- 
lers, instead  of  the  interpretation  of  it  in  English  it 
is  impossible  it  might  have  been  the  Name  they  give 
it  we  see  means  the  same  thing. 

7°.  The  distance  that  these  people  travelled  was 
338  Miles,  besides  what  they  went  on  the  fourth  day 
of  their  Journey,  which  they  do  not  mention,  but  by 
their  usual  rate  of  travelling  might  be  about  18  or 
20  Miles,  which  makes  about  360  Miles  in  all  and 
allmost  due  West.  This  is  much  farther  to  the 
Westward  than  we  lay  down  Wood  River  at  present, 
when  we  have  had  its  true  Western  Distance  actually 
measured  in  running  the  Boundary  between  Virginia 
and  Carolina.  But  it  is  very  probable  as  M"^  Beverly 
saies  in  his  History,  that  these  Travellers  in  passing 
the  Mountains  in  particular  might  not  advance  above 
three  or  four  Miles  a  day  in  a  Strait  Course.  It  has 
been  generally  found  by  our  Surveyors  in  the  Woods 
of  America  as  I  have  been  told  by  some  of  them, 
and  as  appears  indeed  from  their  surveys  compared 
with  the  accounts  of  Travellers  that  a  true  measured 
distance  on  a  strait  course  is  about  one  third  of  the 
usual  distance  completed  by  Travellers  in  the  Woods 
where  they  have  no  strait  Roads  and  known  distances 
^.o  guide  them,  accordingly  we  find  from  these  Sur- 
veys of  the  Countrey  that  it  is  about  140  Miles  in  a 
strait  course  from  the  Falls  of  Appomatox  River  to 
Wood  River  in  Virginia  which  is  a  little  more  than  one 
third  of  the  distance  computed  by  our  Discoverers. 


In  Colonial  Days, 


235 


Again  :  it  is  an  usual  way  to  compute  distances  in 
the  Woods  of  America  by  Dayes  Journeys  and  those 
that  are  used  to  it  come  pretty  nigh  the  truth  by 
allowing  25  or  30  Miles  a  day  according  to  the  Road, 
which  makes  about  10  Miles  a  Day  in  a  strait  course. 
Now  these  People  travelled  15  Daies,  and  by  this 
rule  must  have  t^velled  150  Miles  on  a  strait  Road 
and  accordingly  we  find  it  just  160  Miles  from  the 
falls  of  Appomatox  River  in  Virginia,  where  they 
set  out  to  Wood  River  upon  the  Road  as  it  is  laid 
down  in  our  Map  of  North  America  in  which  the 
longitude  or  Western  distances  are  laid  down  from 
the  late  Surveys  of  those  parts. 

From  these  several  considerations  compared  to- 
gether, it  plainly  appears,  that  the  great  River  as 
they  call  it  which  these  People  discovered  on  the 
West  side  of  the  Mountains  of  Virginia,  was  this 
branch  of  the  River  Ohio  that  is  well  known  by  the 
name  of  Wood  River  :*  which  is  the  chief  and  prin- 
cipal branch  of  the  Ohio,  that  rises  in  the  Mountains 
of  South  Carolina  and  Virginia,  falls  into  the  Ohio 
about  midway  between  Fort  du  Quesne  and  the  Mis- 
sisipi  and  the  place  they  discovered  it  at  seems  to  be 
about  the  middle  of  that  River,  which  has  always  re- 
tained the  name  of  Wood  River,  from  this  Major 
General  Wood,  or  Col.  Wood  as  he  is  called  in  Vir- 
ginia who  we  see  by  the  Journal  was  the  Author  of 
this  Discovery. 

This   Journal   then    is  a  plain   Narration  of  well 

*  Also  called  New  River  in  Colonial  times  and  now  Great  Kanahwa. 


ji 


, 


236 


The  Ohio   Valley 


known  matters  of  Fact  relating  to  the  discoveries  of 
those  Western  Parts  of  Virginia  and  that  many  years 
before  any  others  even  pretend  to  have  made  any 
Discoveries  in  those  or  any  other  of  the  Western 
Parts  of  North  America  beyond  the  Appalachean 
Mountains.  It  contains  likewise  plain  proofs  of  the 
other  Discoveries  that  were  made  here  and  here 
abouts  some  time  before,  which  were  made  by  one 
Needham,  by  order  of  Col.  Wood  of  Virginia  :  and 
the  inverted  letters  M.  A,  N.  E.  found  on  the  Trees 
by  our  Travellers,  seem  to  have  been  the  Names  of 
these  two  Persons,  cut  on  the  Trees  as  a  memorial 
of  their  Discoveries  as  is  usually  done  by  Travellers 
in  the  Woods,  and  as  we  see  was  done  by  ours  at  this 
time.  The  many  letters  they  found  on  the  Trees  on 
Wood  River  are  likewise  plain  proofs  of  others 
having  been  there  before  them.  This  is  a  plain  con- 
firmation of  what  is  related  by  M""  Coxe's  Hist,  of 
Carolina  in  a  memorial  presented  by  him  to  King 
William  in  1699,  and  by  several  others,  that  all  those 
Western  Parts  of  Virginia  were  discovered  by  Col. 
Wood  in  several  Journies  from  the  Years  1654  to  1664. 
These  Discoveries  are  the  more  interesting  at  this 
time,  as  those  parts  are  now  claimed  by  the  French 
merely  and  solely  upon  a  frivolous  pretext  of  a  prior 
discovery  by  M*^  La  Salle  in  1680:*  who  built  the 
Fort  Crevecoeur  on  or  below  the  Lake  Pimiteone  in 
that  year,  which  seems  to  be  the  Lake  Petite  alluded 

*  The  discovery  by  La  Salle  in    1669  was  apparently  either  forgotten   or 
willfully  ignored. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


237 


to  in  the  extract  of  M'  Claytons  letter,  from  a  very 
imperfect  knowledge  of  it,  which  Lake  upon  the 
River  Illinois  is  not  less  perhaps  than  a  thousand 
Miles  beyond  or  to  the  Westward  of  Fort  du  Quesne 
and  the  other  places  that  the  French  now  claim  on 
the  River  Ohio  in  consequence  of  that  discovery  as 
they  call  it. 

Besides  M'  La  Salle  had  even  that  discovery  of 
his,  that  has  been  so  much  extolled  and  magnified, 
from  the  English,  who  by  being  so  well  settled  in  so 
many  parts  of  this  Continent,  might  surely  very  nat- 
urally conclude  and  easily  know  from  many  accounts 
of  the  Natives,  that  there  was  a  very  extensive  con- 
tinent to  the  Westward  of  them  which  these  discov- 
eries in  Virginia  as  well  as  the  Travels  of  Ferdinando 
Soto  through  Florida  and  over  the  Rio  Grande  as  he 
calls  it  or  the  Missisipi  in  1541,  that  had  been  pub- 
lished to  the  World,  might  give  them  some  more 
particular  account  of  and  excite  their  curiosity  to 
make  farther  Discoveries  in  it.*  accordingly  in  the 
year  1678  a  Party  of  People  from  New  England  dis- 
covered all  these  Western  Parts  of  America  to  the 
Northward  of  Virginia  as  far  as  the  Missisipi,  and  a 
great  way  beyond  it  which  discovery  of  the  English 
gave  occasion  to  the  discovery  of  the  same  parts  two 
years  afterwards  by  M"^  La  Salle,  for  the  Indians  who 
.vere  with  the  English  and  served  them  as  Guides  in 
this  Discovery  went  to  Canada  upon  their  return  and 

*  No  authentic  account  of  this  expedition  of  a   party  of  New  England 
people  has  ever  been  discovered.    (Note  by  Mr.  Sparks.) 


238 


The  Ohio   Valley 


t 


gave  an  account  of  these  discoveries,  of  the  English 
to  the  French,  who  thereupon  set  out  to  make  the 
same  Discovery,  by  Virtue  of  which  they  now  pre- 
tend to  claim  nine  tenths  at  least  of  all  the  known 
parts  of  the  Continent  of  North  America,  and  all 
the  rest  that  is  not  known  which  may  be  as  much 
more  by  all  accounts. 

It  is  true  our  People  have  not  wrote  as  many  His- 
tories of  their  Discoveries  as  the  French  have  nor 
even  published  those  that  have  been  wrote  we  see 
any  more  than  the  Spaniards  but  then  we  have  made 
many  such  discoveries,  appear  best  from  the  Settle- 
ments that  we  have  made  which  compared  with  those 
of  the  French  are  about  twenty  to  one.  (In  the  year 
1 714,  immediately  after  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  Col. 
Spottiswood  Governor  of  Virginia  went  over  the 
Apalactean  Mountains  himself  in  Person  in  company 
with  several  Gentlemen  of  the  Countrey  that  are  and 
have  been  well  known  to  me  who  had  a  good  Road 
cleared  over  them  and  many  settlements  were  made 
beyond  those  Mountains  soon  afterwards,  both  in 
the  Northern  and  Southern  parts  of  Virginia,  but 
chiefly  in  the  Northern  Parts  leading  towards  the  Ohio, 
which  Settlements  extended  to  Logs  Town  on  the 
River  Ohio  long  before  the  late  encroachments  and 
usurpation  of  the  French  there.  The  English  first 
settled  on  the  Ohio  from  Pensalvania  in  the  year 
1725,  as  appears  from  their  treaty  with  the  Indians 
at  Albany  in  1 754  and  many  other  accounts.  In  1 736 
those  Parts  were  duly  Surveyed  and  laid  off  by  a  com- 


In  Colonial  Days, 


239 


pany  of  Surveyors  as  far  as  the  Head  Springs  of  the 
River  Potowmack  and  in  1739  or  1740,  a  party  of 
People  were  sent  out  by  the  Government  of  Virginia 
and  traversed  the  whole  Countrey,  down  Wood  River 
and  the  River  Ohio  to  the  Missisipi  and  down  that 
River  to  New  Orleans,  whose  Journals  I  have  seen 
and  perused  and  have  made  a  draught  of  the  Coun- 
trey from  them  and  find  them  agree  with  other  and 
later  accounts.  About  that  time  a  number  of  People 
petitioned  the  Government  of  Virginia  to  grant  them 
a  Settlement  upon  the  River  Missisipi  itself  about 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Ohio  which  they  offered  to 
maintain  and  defend  as  well  as  to  settle  at  their  own 
charge,  so  well  were  all  those  Western  Parts  of  Vir- 
ginia then  known  and  frequented  by  our  People  : 
But  they  were  refused  this  request  by  our  Govern- 
ment itself,  wh  have  always  prudently  thought  it 
more  expedient  to  continue  their  Settlements  con- 
tiguous to  one  another  than  to  suffer  them  to  be 
straggling  up  and  down  in  remote  and  uncultivated 
Desarts,  as  we  see  the  French  have  done  in  order 
thereby  to  seem  to  occupy  a  greater  Extent  of  Ter- 
ritory, while  in  effect  they  hardly  occupy  any  at  all. 
Yet  we  are  not  without  many  of  those  Settlements 
among  the  Indians  likewise  and  that  in  a  Country 
which  we  have  purchased  from  them  three  several 
times.  In  the  year  1749  our  People  made  a  settle- 
ment among  the  Twightwee  Indians  at  Pickawillany, 
which  is  reckoned  by  our  Traders  500  Miles  beyond 
Fort  du  Quesne,  to  which  they  were  invited  by  the 


24  ' 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Natives  themselves,  who  came  down  to  Lancaster  in 
Pensylvania  for  that  purpose  and  made  a  treaty  to 
that  effect  with  our  People  there  Jul.  22'*  1749.  I^y 
this  means  we  made  several  Settlements  all  along 
the  River  Ohio  and  all  over  the  Countrey  between 
that  River  and  Lake  Erie  and  that  long  before  the 
French  ever  set  a  foot  upon  it,  or  knew  anything 
about  it,  but  by  hearsay.  And  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Ohio,  wc  are  not  only  well  settled  on  Wood 
River,  that  is  described  in  this  Journal  but  likewise 
on  Holston  River  that  lies  upwards  of  150  Miles  to 
the  Westward  of  the  Place  that  these  Peopled  Dis- 
covered on  Wood  River  in  1671  and  again  on  Cum- 
berland River  that  lies  as  much  farther  to  the  West- 
ward of  that :  all  which  places  and  Settlements  you 
will  see  marked  in  our  map  abovementioned." — 


APPENDIX  D. 


'      1 


Papers  Rklajing  to  the  Ohio  Company  (from  the 
Archives  of  the  Board  ok  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions IN  London.)* 

I.  Sir  W""  Gooch,  Governor  of  Virginia  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade,  Novbr  6,  1747,  B.  T.  V*  vol  19 

Having  been  lately  much  sollicited  by  several  Per- 
sons  in   Partnership  for  Grants  for  Lands  lying  on 

*  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Robert  Clarke,  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  for  copies  of 
these  documents. 


liii 


In  Colonial  Days. 


241 


the  Western  side  of  the  Great  Mountains,  where  we 
have  already  two  Counties  well  peopled,  very  near, 
if  not  upon  the  Borders  of  some  of  the  Branches  of 
Mississippi,  extending  to  the  Lake  Erie  (which  would 
cut  off  the  communication  the  French  have  from 
that  Place  to  Canada),  in  order,  as  it  is  the  Center 
of  all  His  Majesty's  Provinces,  to  the  carrying  on  a 
more  extensive  Skin  Trade  with  several  Nations  of 
Indians,  who  are  willing  to  enter  into  Commerce  with 
us  :  tho'  I  am  persuaded  that  the  granting  such  Peti- 
tions would  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  be  productive 
of  many  national  advantages,  as  well  as  a  great  In- 
crease of  his  Majesty's  Quit  rents,  yet  I  thought  and 
the  Council  concurred  with  me  in  opinion,  that  we 
ought  not  to  comply  therewith,  till  His  Majesty's 
Permission  was  first  obtained 

4.  Order  of  the  committee  of  Council  for  Planta- 
tions on  the  preceding  letter.  P'ebr  23,  1747-8  B. 
T.  V^  Vol  20 

His  Majesty  having  been  pleased  by  His  Order  in 
Council  of  the  lo''*  of  this  instant  to  referr  unto  this 
Committee  a  representation  from  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations  together  with  an 
Extract  of  a  letter  they  had  lately  received  from  S' 
William  Gooch  Bart.,  Lieutenant  Governor  of  His 
Majesty's  Colony  of  Virginia  dated  the  6^**  of  No- 
vember 1747,  wherein  he  acquainted  the  said  Lords 
Commissioners,  that  application  had  been  made  to 
him  by  persons  in  Partnership  for  Grants  of  lands, 
lying  on  the  western  side  of  the  great  Mountains 
3' 


242 


The  Ohio   Valley 


but  that  he  did  not  think  proper  to  comply  therewith, 
until  he  had  received  His  Majesty's  directions  therein, 
The  Lords  of  the  Committee  this  day  took  the 
same  into  their  consideration  and  are  hereby  pleased 
to  order  that  the  said  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade 
and  Plantations  do  consider,  whether  it  may  be  for 
His  Majesty's  Service,  and  the  advantage  of  the  said 
Colony  to  empower  the  said  Lieut-Governor  to  make 
grants  of  lands  to  Persons  in  Partnership  on  the 
western  side  of  the  great  Mountains  as  desired  and 
that  they  do  make  Report  thereof  to  this  Committee. 

2.  Lords  of  Trade  to  the  Duke  of  New  Castle, 
one  of  the  Principal  Secretaries  of  State,  January  19, 
1747-8  Lib.  38,  p.  410. 

Having  lately  received  a  letter  from  Sir  William 
Gocch,  Bar*,  Lieut-Governor  of  His  Majestys  Col- 
ony of  Virginia,  dated  the  6^**  of  November  1747, 
wherein  he  acquaints  Us  that  application  had  been 
made  to  him  for  Grants  of  Lands  lying  on  the  Western 
side  of  the  Great  Mountains,  but  that  he  did  not 
think  proper  to  comply  therewith,  until  he  received 
his  Majesty's  directions  therein,  We  take  leave  to 
inclose  to  your  Grace  an  Extract  of  so  much  of  the 
said  Letter  as  relates  thereto  and  desire  your  Grace 
will  please  to  lay  the  same  before  his  Majesty  for  his 
Majestys  Directions 

3.  Same  to  Sir  W"  Gooch,  January  19,  1747-8 
B.  T.  V^  No.  38  p.  408-9. 

....  (Your  letter)  of  the  3**  (sic)  November  last 
relating  to  Applications  that  have  been  made  to  you 


In  Colonial  Davs, 


243 


for  Grants  of  Land  lying  on  the  Western  side  of  the 
Great  Mountains.  .  .  .  We  have  read.  .  .  .  and  trans- 
mitted a  Copy  thereof  to  the  Duke  of  New  Castle, 
in  order  to  be  laid  before  His  Majesty.  In  the  mean- 
time as  His  Majesty's  Governor  of  Virginia  is  em- 
powered by  a  Clause  in  his  Commission  to  make 
Grants  of  Land  to  any  Person  or  Persons  provided 
that  he  take  Care  of  the  Reservation  of  the  Quit 
Rents  and  for  settling  &  cultivating  the  land  agree- 
able to  the  several  laws  relating  thereto,  We  desire 
you  will  acquaint  us,  as  soon  as  possible,  what  Diffi- 
culties you  are  under  with  Respect  to  making  such 
Grants  as  you  mention,  or  what  further  Power  may 
be  necessary  for  that  Purpose  together  with  an 
account  on  what  Termes  the  Grants  are  desired  and 
of  the  Nature  &  Situation  of  the  Lands.  .  .  . 

5.  Sir  W"  Gooch,  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade,  June  16,  1748  B  T.  V%  Vol.  20 

....  Your  Lordships  desire  to  know,  what  diffi- 
culties L  was  under  about  granting  lands  beyond 
the  great  Mountains.  As  these  lands  lye  upon  some 
of  the  chief  Branches  of  the  River  Mississippi,  I  was 
apprehensive  such  Grants  might  possibly  give  some 
Umbrage  to  the  French,  especially  when  we  were  in 
hopes  of  entering  into  a  Treaty  for  establishing  a 
general  Peace.  This,  my  Lords,  was  the  only  objec- 
tion I  had  and  which  made  the  Council  and  me  think 
it  advisable  to  wait  for  his  Majesty's  Pleasure  and 
directions 

the  terms,  upon  which  the  Grants  are 


respect 


244 


The  Ohio   Valley 


desired,  the  Petitioners  pray  that  four  years  time 
may  be  allow'd  them  to  survey  and  pay  rights  for 
the  lands  upon  return  of  the  plans  to  the  Secretary's 
office,  which  is  an  indulgence  that  has  been  often 
given  to  the  Grantees  of  lands  lying  in  very  remote 
parts  of  the  Government,  when  the  Grant  is  for  a 
large  number  of  acres,  as  this  is,  no  less  than  Two 
hundred  thousand  acres  being  petition'd  for,  for  it  will 
require  a  considerable  time  to  seat  it,  which  they 
expect  to  do  with  Strangers  and  to  build  a  Fort, 
without  which  or  some  such  work  for  their  defence, 
it  would  be  dangerous  for  them  to  venture  out  so 
far 

6.  Report  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  the  Privy 
Council,  Septbr  2,  1748,  B  T.  V*  38  p.  411 

Pursuant  to  your  Lordships  Order  of  the  23**  of 
February  1 747,  referring  to  us  an  extract  of  a  letter 
from  Sir  William  Gooch,  Bar*,  Lieutenant  Governor 
of  His  Majesty's  Colony  of  Virginia,  dated  the  6*''  of 
November  1747,  "setting  forth,  that  an  application 
•*  had  been  made  to  him  by  persons  in  Partnership 
"  for  Grants  of  lands  lying  on  the  Western  side  of 
"  the  Great  Mountains,  but  that  he  did  not  think 
"  proper  to  comply  therewith,  until  he  had  received 
"  His  Majesty's  orders  thereupon  "  &  directing  us  to 
consider,  whether  it  may  be  for  his  Majesty's  service 
and  the  advantage  of  the  said  Colony  to  impower 
the  said  Lieut.  Governor  to  make  Grants  of  Lands 
to  Persons  in  Partnership  on  the  Western  side  of 
the  Great  Mountains  as  desired,  We  take  leave  to 


In  Colonial  Days.  24s 

report  to  your  Lordships,  that  since  our  former  rep- 
resentation in  our  Letter  to  his  Grace  the  Duke  of 
New  Castle,  dated  the  i^"^  of  January  1747,  We  have 
received  a  letter  from  Sir  William  Gooch,  His  Maj- 
esty's said  Lieutenant  Governor,  dated  the   16^"  of 
June  last  in  Answer  to  Our  Letter  to  him  mentioned 
in  the  said  Representation  wherein  he  acquaints  us 
"  That  with  respect  to  the  Difficulties  he  was  under 
II  about  granting  lands  beyond  the  Great  Mountains, 
"  as  these  Lands  lye  upon  some  of  the  chief  Branches 
"  of  the  Mississippi,  he  was  apprehensive  such  Grants 
"  might  possibly  give  some  umbrage  to  the  French, 
"  especially  when  we  were  in  hopes  of  entering  into 
"  a  Treaty  for  establishing  a  general  Peace,   which 
"  was  the  only  objection  he  had  and  made  him  and 
"  the  Council  think  it  advisable  to  wait  for  his  Maj- 
"  esty's  Pleasure  and  Directions,  That  in  respect  to 
"  the  Terms  etc,*  Whereupon  We  further  take  leave 
to  represent  to  your  Lordships 

That  the  settlement  of  the  Country  lying  to  the 
Westward  of  the  Great  Mountains  is  the  Colony  of 
Virginia,  which  is  the  Center  of  all  His  Majesty's 
Provinces,  will  be  for  His  Majesty's  interest  and  ad- 
vantage, and  security  of  that  and  the  Neighbouring 
Provinces,  in  as  much  as  His  Majesty's  subjects  will 
be  thereby  enabled  to  Cultivate  a  friendship  and  carry 
on  a  more  extensive  Commerce  with  the  Nations  of 
Indians  inhabiting  those  parts  and  such  settlement 
may  likewise  be  a  p  'oper  step  towards  disappointing 

*  Verbatim  repeated  from  the  previous  letter. 


ami  m 


246 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  views  and  checking  the  Encroachments  of  the 
French  by  interrupting  part  of  the  Communication 
from  their  Lodgements  upon  the  great  Lakes  to  the 
River  Mississippi,  by  means  of  which  Communica- 
tion His  Majesty's  Plantations  there  are  exposed  to 
their  Incursions  and  those  of  the  Indian  Nations  in 
their  interest.  We  cannot  therefore  but  be  of  Opinion 
that  all  due  Encouragement  ought  to  be  given  to  the 
extending  the  British  settlements  beyond  the  great 
Mountains  and  submit  to  your  Lordships,  whether  it 
may  not  be  adviseable  to  impower  the  said  Lieut. 
Governor  to  make  grants  of  Lands  there  to  persons 
in  Partnership  as  desired. 

As  the  Persons  applying  for  the  said  Lands  pro- 
pose to  settle  the  same  with  strangers  and  to  build  a 
Fort  at  their  own  expense,  that  is  a  further  reason 
with  us  to  think  they  may  deserve  his  Majesty's 
Countenance  &  Encouragement,  and  the  rather  be- 
cause their  example  may  induce  the  neighbouring 
Colonies  likewise  to  turn  their  thoughts  towards  de- 
signs of  the  same  nature. 

We  are  further  of  Opinion,  that  it  may  be  for  His 
Majesty's  Service,  that  four  years  be  allowed  them 
to  survey  &  Pay  rights  for  the  Lands  upon  return  of 
the  Plans  to  the  Secretary's  office,  which  indulgence 
has  been  given  even  for  a  longer  term  to  Grantees  of 
Lands  lying  in  remote  parts  of  the  same  Govern- 
ment, when  the  Grant  has  been  for  a  large  Number 
of  Acres,  as  this  is,  especially  as  there  is  just  ground 
to  expect  that  His  Majesty's  revenue  will,  at  the  expi- 


In  Colonial  Days.  247 

ration  of  the  Term  proposed  be  considerably  increased 
and  a  Barrier  formed  to  that  and  the  neighbouring 
plantations  by  means  of  such  settlement,  which  can- 
not be  supported  without  some  advantages  at  the 
first  establishing  of  it,  but  lest  such  or  any  other  ad- 
vantage, which  may  be  thought  Proper  to  be  given 
as  an  encouragement  to  this  undertaking  should 
tempt  Persons  already  settled  in  other  Parts  of  the 
Colony  upon  Lands,  for  which  the  usual  Quit  rent  is 
paid,  to  desert  their  former  settlements  and  seat 
themselves  upon  these  lands,  we  would  further  sub- 
mit to  your  Lordships,  whether  it  may  not  be  advise- 
able,  that  it  should  be  a  condition  of  the  Grants  to 
be  made  by  the  said  Lieutenant  Governor,  that  no 
person  already  possess'd  of  Lands  in  any  other  part 
of  Virginia  held  by  Quitrent  from  the  Crown  be 
admitted  to  take  up  or  settle  upon  any  of  the  Lands 
to  be  granted  to  the  said  Petitioners  without  giving 
security  for  continuing  the  Payment  of  the  Quit 
rents  for  the  Lands  by  him  already  possess'd  notwith- 
standing his  removal. 

And  as  it  is  not  likely  that  any  number  of  inhab- 
itants will  be  induced  to  settle  beyond  these  Moun- 
tains, unless  they  are  sure  of  rotection  there  We 
would  further  submit  to  your  Lordships,  whether  the 
Building  a  Fort  and  placing  a  sufficient  Garrison 
therein  at  the  expense  of  the  Grantees,  should  not 
be  another  condition  of  the  said  Grants. 

These  Regulations  if  they  meet  with  the  Appro- 
bation of  your  Lordships,  together  with  any  others, 


1" 
Si 


248  The  Ohio   Valley 

which  shall  be  thought  proper  to  be  inserted  in  the 
Grants  of  the  Lands  petitioned  for,  may  be  made  by 
Instructions  to  the  said  Lieut.  Governor  of  Virginia. 

7.  Order  of  the  Committee  of  Council  on  the  pre- 
ceding Report,  Novbr  24,   1748,  B.  T.  V*.  Vol  20 

The  Lords  of  the  Committee  this  day  took  into 
their  consideration  a  Report  of  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations,  dated  the  2^  of 
September  last  relating  to  the  making  Grants  of 
Lands  on  the  western  side  of  the  great  Mountains 
in  Virginia,  to  persons  in  Partnership,  And  do  agree 
in  opinion  with  the  said  Lords  Commissioners,  that 
the  settlement  of  the  aforementioned  part  of  Vir- 
ginia will  be  for  His  Majesty's  interest  and  the  ad- 
vantage and  security  of  that  and  the  neighbouring 
Provinces,  and  that  therefore  it  may  be  advisable  for 
His  Majesty  to  impower  the  Governor  or  Lieuten- 
ant Governor  of  that  Province  to  make  the  Grants 
desired,  under  the  Conditions  and  regulations  pro- 
posed in  the  Report  of  the  said  Lords  Commissioners 
and  to  that  end. 

It  is  hereby  ordered,  that  the  said  Lords  Commis- 
sioners do  prepare  a  Draught  of  Instructions  for  the 
Gov"^  or  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  said  Colony  of 
Virginia  accordingly  and  that  in  case  any  thing  fur- 
ther shall  occur  to  them  as  proper  and  necessary  to  be 
inserted  therein,  that  they  do  add  the  same  to  the 
said  Draught  of  Instructions  and  lay  the  same  before 
this  Committee  for  their  consideration. 

8    Order  of  the  Committee  of  Council,  referring 


In  Colonial  Days.  249 

to  the  Lords  of  Trade  the  petition  of  John  Hanbury 
et.  al.,  incorporators  of  the  Ohio  Company,  Febr  9, 
1 748-9  B,  T.  V^  Vol.  20 

Whereas  His  Majesty  was  pleased  by  His  Order 
in  Council  of  the  1 1^**  of  last  month  to  referr  unto  this 
Committee  the  humble  Petition  of  John  Hanbury  of 
London  Merchant  in  behalf  of  himself  and  of  Thomas 
Lee  Esq.  a  Member  of  His  Majesty's  Council  and  one 
of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Judicature  in 
His  Majesty's  Colony  of  Virginia,  Thomas  Nelson, 
Esq'*,  also  a  Member  of  His  Majesty's  Council  in  Vir- 
ginia, Colonel  Cressup,  Colonel  William  Thornton, 
William  Nimmo,  Daniel  Cressup,  John  Carlisle,  Law- 
rence Washington,    Augustus  Washington,   George 
Fairfax,  Jacob  Gyles,  Nathaniel  Chapman  and  James 
Woodrop  Esq"^",  all  of  His  Majesty's  Colony  of  Vir- 
ginia and  others  their  Associates  for  settling  the  Coun- 
trys  upon  the  Ohio  and  extending  the  British  Trade  be- 
yond the    Mountains  on  the  Western    confines   of 
Virginia  humbly  praying  (for  the  reasons  therein  con- 
tained), that  His  Majesty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to 
encourage  their  undertaking  by  giving  instructions  to 
the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  grant  to  them  and  such 
others  as  they  shall  admit  as  their  Associates  a  Tract 
of    500,000   acres  of  land  betwixt   Romanettos  and 
Bufallo's   Creek   on    the   south   side   of    the    River 
Aligane  otherwise  the  Ohio  and   betwixt   the  two 
Creeks  and  the  Yellow  Creek  on  the  north  side  of 
the  River  or  in  such  other  parts  of  the  West  of  the 
said  Mountains  as  shall  be  adjudged  most  proper  by 
32 


|] 


ti 


250 


The  Ohio   Valley 


111 


the  Petitioners  for  that  purpose  and  that  200,000 
acres,  part  of  the  said  500,000  acres,  may  be  granted 
immediately  without  rights  on  condition  of  the  Peti- 
tioners Seating  at  their  proper  expense  a  hundred 
Familys  upon  the  lands  in  seven  years,  th^  lands  to 
be  granted  free  of  Quit  rents  for  ten  years  on  condi- 
tion of  their  erecting  a  Fort  and  maintaining  a  Gar- 
rison for  protection  of  the  settlement  for  that  time 
the  Petitioners  paying  the  usual  quitrent  at  the  expi- 
ration of  the  said  ten  years  from  the  date  of  their 
Patent  And  further  praying  that  the  said  Governor 
may  be  further  instructed,  that  as  soon  as  these 
200,000  acres  are  settled  and  the  Fort  erected  300,000 
acres  more  residue  of  the  said  500000  acres  of  land 
may  be  granted  to  the  Petitioners  adjoining  to  the 
said  200000  acres  of  land  so  first  granted  with  the 
like  exemptions  and  under  the  same  covenants  and 
to  give  all  such  further  and  other  encouragements  to 
the  Petitioners  in  their  so  useful  and  publick  an  un- 
dertaking as  to  His  Majesty  in  His  great  Wisdom 
shall  seem  meet. — The  Lords  of  the  Committee  this 
day  took  the  said  Petition  into  their  consideration 
and  are  hereby  pleased  to  referr  the  same  (a  Copy 
whereof  is  hereunto  annexed)  to  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations  to  consider  thereof 
and  Report  their  Opinion  thereupon  to  this  Commit- 
tee of  Mississipi  and  those  of  Potomac  are  only 
separated  by  one  small  Ridge  of  Mountains,  easily 
passable  by  Land  Carriage,  So  that  by  the  Con- 
venience of  the  Navigation  of  the  Potomac  and  a 


In  Colonial  Days.  251 

short  land  carriage  from  thence  to  the  West  of  the 
Mountains  and  to  the  Branch  of  the  Ohio  and  the 
Lake  Erie  British  Goods  may  be  carried  at  little 
expense  and  afforded  reasonably  to  the  Indians  in 
those  parts.  In  case  the  lands  to  the  west  of  the  said 
Mountains  were  settled  and  a  Fort  erected  in  some 
proper  place  there  for  the  protection  and  encourage- 
ment of  your  Petitioners  and  others  your  Majesty's 
subjects  in  adventuring  their  persons  and  fortunes  in 
this  Undertaking  In  which  if  your  Petitioners  meet 
with  that  success  they  have  the  greatest  reason  to 
expect  It  will  not  only  be  made  the  best  and  strong- 
est frontier  in  America,  but  will  be  the  means  of 
gaining  a  vast  addition  and  increase  to  your  Majesty's 
Subjects  of  that  rich  Branch  of  the  Peltry  and  Furr 
which  your  Petitioners  propose  by  means  of  Settle- 
ment hereinafter  mentioned  to  carry  on  with  the 
Indians  to  the  westward  of  the  said  Mountains  and 
on  the  said  Lake  and  Rivers  and  will  at  the  same 
time  greatly  promote  the  Consumption  of  our  own 
British  Manufactures,  enlarge  our  Commerce,  in- 
crease our  Shipping  and  Navigation  and  extend  your 
Majestys  Empire  in  America  and  in  a  short  space  of 
time  very  considerably  increase  your  Majesty's  Reve- 
nue of  Quit  rents  as  there  is  little  room  to  doubt, 
but  that  when  this  (who  claim  all  the  lands  west  of 
Virginia  and  ?'  o  to  and  on  the  Waters  of  the  Mis- 
sisippi  and  the  Lake  by  right  of  Conquest  from 
several  Nations  of  Indians,  who  formerly  inhabited 
that  Country  and  have  been  extirpated  by  the  said 


252 


The  Ohio   Valley 


% 

■A 


Six  Nations)  did  yield  up  and  make  over  and  for  ever 
quit  claim  to  your  Majesty  and  your  successors  All 
their  said  lands  west  of  Virginia  with  all  their  right 
thereto  so  far  as  your  Majesty  should  at  any  time 
thereafter  be  pleased  to  extend  the  said  Colony. 

That  most  of  the  Nations  of  Indians  west  of  the 
Mountains  and  upon  the  Lakes  and  the  River  Ohio 
have  entered  into  an  Alliance  with  your  Majesty's 
Subjects  and  with  the  Six  Nations  in  Friendship  with 
the  British  Colony's  and  have  desired  your  Majesty's 
Subjects  the  Inhabitants  of  Virginia  to  send  them 
British  Goods  and  manufactures  as  they  inclined  to 
trade  solely  with  Your  Majesty's  Subjects. 

That  by  laying  hold  of  this  opportunity  and  im- 
proving this  favourable  disposition  of  these  Indians 
they  may  be  forever  fixed  in  the  British  Interest  and 
the  prosperity  and  safety  of  the  British  Colonys  be 
effectually  secured  and  which  your  Petitioners  are 
ready  and  willing  to  undertake. 

That  your  Petitioners  beg  leave  humbly  to  inform 
your  Majesty,  that  the  lands  to  the  West  of  the  said 
Mountains  are  extreemly  fertile,  the  Climate  very 
fine  and  healthy  and  the  waters  And  whereas  there 
was  likewise  laid  before  the  Lords  of  the  Committee 
a  Report  made  by  the  Lords  Commissioners  for 
Trade  and  Plantations,  dated  the  13*''  of  December 
last,  together  with  a  Draught  of  an  additional  In- 
struction prepared  by  the  said  Lords  Commissioners 
for  Sir  William  Gooch,  His  Majesty's  Lieutenant 
Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  impowering  him 


In  Colonial  Days.  253 

to  make  Grants  of  Lands  on  the  western  side  of  the 
great  Mountains  to  persons  in  Partnership  who  have 
applied  for  the  same  And  their  Lordships  observing 
that  the  lands,  proposed  to  be  granted  by  the  said 
Instruction,  are  situated  in  the  same  place  with  those 
prayed  for  by  the   aforementioned   Petition  of  John 
Hanbury  and   others  and  may  probably  have  some 
relation  to  each  other,  Do  therefore  think  it  proper 
hereby  to  referr  back  to  the  said  Lords  Commission- 
ers for  Trade  and   Plantations  the  said   Report  and 
additional  Instruction  for  their  further  consideration. 
To  the  Kings  Most  Excellent  Majesty  in  Coun- 
cil  The  humble    Petition   of   John   Hanbury 
of    London     Merchant    etc    etc    (Names  as 
above)    for  settling   the    Countrys   upon  the 
Ohio   and   extending  the    British   Trade  be- 
yond the    Mountains    on  the    Western    con- 
fines of  Virginia 
Most  humbly  Sheweth 
That  by  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster  and  also  by  Deed 
bearing  date  the  2^  day  of  July  1744  the   Northern 
Indians  by  the  name  of  the  Six  Nations  Settlement 
is  once  begun  by  your  Petitioners  but  that  a  great 
number  of  Foreign  Protestants  will   be  desirous  of 
settling  in  so  Fertile  and  delightful  a  Country  under 
the  just  and  mild  administration  of  your  Majesty's 
Government,  especially  as  they  will  be  at  little  more 
charge  than  the  transporting  themselves  from  their 
Native  Country. 

That  your  Pet"  for  these  great  and  national  ends 


I 


254 


The  Ohio   Valley 


ill 

Ml 


and  purposes  and  in  order  to  improve  and  extend 
the  British  Trade  amongst  these  Indians,  and  to  set- 
tle these  Countrys  in  so  healthy  and  fine  a  Climate 
and  which  are  your  Majesty's  undoubted  right  have 
entered  into  Partnership  by  the  name  of  the  Ohio 
Company  to  settle  these  Countrys  to  the  West  of 
the  said  Mountains  and  to  carry  on  a  Trade  with  the 
Indians  in  those  parts  and  upon  the  said  Lakes  and 
Rivers.  But  as  effecting  the  same  and  more  especially 
the  erecting  a  sufficient  Fort  and  keeping  a  Garrison 
to  protect  the  Infant  Settlement  will  be  attended  with 
great  Expense 

Your  Petitioners  who  are  the  first  Adventurers  in 
this  beneficial  Undertaking,  which  will  be  so  advan- 
tageous to  the  Crown  in  point  of  Revenue,  to  the 
Nation  in  point  of  Trade  and  to  the  British  Colonys 
in  point  of  strength  and  security,  most  humbly  pray 
that  your  Majesty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  en- 
courage this  their  said  Undertaking  by  giving 
Instructions  to  your  Governor  of  Virginia  to  grant 
to  your  Pet"  and  such  others  as  they  shall  admit  as 
their  Associates  a  Tract  of  Five  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  betwixt  Romanettos  and  Buffalo's  Creek 
on  the  South  side  of  the  River  Aligane  otherwise 
the  Ohio  and  betwixt  the  two  Creeks  and  the  Yellow 
Creek  on  the  Ncrth  side  of  the  said  River  or  in  such 
parts  to  the  West  of  the  said  Mountains  as  shall  be 
adjudged  most  proper  by  your  Petitioners  for  that 
purpose  and  that  two  hundred  thousand  acres,  part 
of  the  said  five  hundred  thousand  may  be  granted 


In  Colonial  Days. 


255 


immediately  without  rights  on  condition  of ,  your 
Petitioners  seating  at  their  proper  expence  a  hundred 
Familys  upon  the  land  in  seven  years,  the  lands  to 
be  granted  free  of  quitrent  for  ten  years  on  condition 
of  their  erecting  a  Fort  and  maintaining  a  Garrison 
for  protection  of  the  Settlement  for  that  time  your 
Pet"  paying  the  usual  quit  rent  at  the  expiration  of 
the  said  ten  years  from  the  date  of  their  Patent  — 
And  your  Pet'^  further  pray,  that  your  Majesty  will 
be  graciously  pleased  to  send  your  said  Governor  a 
further  Instruction  that  as  soon  as  these  two  hundred 
thousand  acres  are  settled  and  the  Fort  erected.  That 
three  hundred  thousand  acres  more  residue  of  the 
said  Five  hundred  thousand  acres  may  be  granted  to 
your  Petitioners  adjoining  to  the  said  Two  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  land  so  first  granted  with  the  like 
exemptions  and  under  the  same  covenants  and  to 
give  all  such  further  and  other  encouragements  to 
your  Petitioners  in  this  their  so  usefull  and  publick 
an  undertaking  as  to  your  Majesty  in  your  great  wis- 
dom shall  seem  meet. 

9.  Additional  Instructions  to  Sir  William  Gooch, 
Lieut-Gov"^  of  Virginia,  submitted  by  the  Lords  for 
Trade  and  Plantations  to  the  Committee  of  Council, 
Decbr  13,  1748. 

Whereas  it  hath  been  represented  unto  Us,  that 
application  hath  been  made  to  you  by  persons  in 
Partnership  for  a  Grant  or  Grants  of  two  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  land  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Great  Mountains  within  our  Colony  of  Virginia  in 


256 


The  Ohio   Valley 


order  to  settle  the  same  with  Strangers  —  And 
WHEREAS  such  Settlement  will  be  for  our  interest  and 
the  advantage  and  security  of  our  said  Colony  as  well 
as  the  neighbouring  Colonys  inasmuch  as  Our  loving 
Subjects  will  be  thereby  enabled  to  cultivate  a  Friend- 
ship and  carry  on  a  more  extensive  commerce  with 
the  Nations  of  Indians  inhabiting  those  parts  and 
such  examples  may  likewise  induce  the  neighbouring 
Colonys  to  turn  their  thoughts  towards  Designs  of 
the  same  nature,  It  is  therefore  our  will  and 
PLEASURE  and  you  are  hereby  authorized  and  required 
to  make  a'  Grant  or  Grants  of  Two  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  beyond  the  great  Mountains  to  the  said 
Persons  in  Partnership,  who  have  applied  for  the 
same — Provided  that  you  take  especial  care  in  making 
such  grant  or  grants  for  the  reservation  of  our  quit 
rents  and  for  settling  and  cultivating  the  said  lands 
agreeable  to  such  Laws  as  now  are  in  force  in  Our 
said  Colony  for  that  purpose  and  conformable  to  Our 
Instructions  to  our  Governor  of  the  said  Colony 
upon  that  head. 

And  WHEREAS  it  hath  been  further  represented 
unto  Us  that  the  said  persons  in  Partnership  have 
proposed  that  four  years  may  be  allowed  them  to 
survey  the  said  lands  and  pay  the  usual  rights  for  the 
same  upon  return  of  the  plans  to  Our  Secretary's 
Office  of  Our  said  Colony,  which  indulgence  has 
been  represented  to  us  to  have  been  heretofore  given 
even  for  a  longer  term  to  Grantees  of  lands  lying  in 
remote  parts  of  Our  said  Colony,  when  the  Grant 


In  Colonial  Days. 


257 


has  been  for  a  large  number  of  acres  as  this  is,  espe- 
cially as  there  is  just  ground  to  expect,  that  at  the 
expiration  of  the  term  proposed  Our  Revenue  will 
be  increased  and  a  barrier  formed  to  that  and  Our 
neighbouring  Colonys  by  means  of  such  Settlement, 
Now  having  considered  the  said  proposal  together 
with  the  Opinion  of  Our  Commissioners  for  Trade 
and  Plantations  thereupon  We  are  graciously  pleased 
to  agree  thereto,  But  lest  such  indulgence  should 
tempt  persons  already  settled  in  other  parts  of  Our 
Colony  upon  lands  for  which  the  usual  quitrent  is 
paid  to  desert  their  former  Settlements  and  seat 
themselves  upon  the  lands  so  to  be  granted.  It  is  our 
FURTHER  WILL  AND  PLEASURE,  that  it  be  an  express 
condition  of  the  said  Grant  or  Grants,  that  no  person 
already  possessed  of  lands  in  any  other  part  of  Our 
said  Colony  held  of  us  by  quitrent  be  admitted  to 
take  up  or  settle  any  of  the  lands  to  be  granted  to 
the  said  persons  in  Partnership  without  giving  secu- 
rity for  continuing  the  payment  of  the  quit  rents  for 
the  lands  by  them  heretofore  possessed,  notwith- 
standing their  removal. 

And  as  it  is  not  likely,  that  any  number  of  Inhab- 
itants will  be  induced  to  settle  beyond  the  great 
Mountains,  unless  they  are  sure  of  protection  there, 

It     is    OUR    I'^URTHER     WILL    AND     PLEASURE,    that    the 

building  a  Fort  and  placing  a  sufficient   Garrison 
therein  at  the  expence  of  the  Grantees  be  a  further 
condition  of  the  said  Grant  or  Grants. 
(This  Additional  Instruction  was  somewhat  changed 
33 


2S8 


The  Ohio   Valley 


I^  u! 


Jll 

m 


Febr^  23,  1749  and  then  sent  out  to  Sir  W"  Gooch, 
Gov""  of  Virginia,) 

10.  Letter  from  Col.  Thomas  Lee,  President  of  the 
Council  of  Virginia  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  Oct  18, 
1 749,  B  T,  V*  Vol.  20 

....  The  Ohio  Company,  imediately  after  your 
Lordships  letter  with  His  Majesty's  additional  In- 
structions came  to  Sir  William  Gooch,  had  a  meeting, 
and,  as  Mr.  Hanbury  will  inform  your  Lordships, 
gave  him  an  order  to  ship  the  necessary  goods  for 
carrying  on  a  trade  with  the  Indians  —  they  than  sent 
out  into  those  back  parts  to  discover  a  proper  place 
to  settle  their  factory  on  and  begin  their  survey,  but 
those  very  Indians  that  had  encouraged  them  at  the 
first,  had  been  persuaded  to  believe,  that  our  design 
was  to  ruin,  not  trade  with  them  and  such  a  spirit  of 
jealousy  is  raised  among  them  y^  without  a  treaty  and 
presents  we  shall  not  be  able  to  doe  any  thing  with 
them,  this  was  not  the  case,  when  the  Ohio  Company 
petitioned ;  the  bulk  of  these  Indians  are  such  as 
being  ill  used  by  the  French  removed  from  the  Lakes 
of  S^  Lawrence  a  short  time  before  the  end  of  the 
Warr,  in  order  to  join  the  English  in  mak«^  warr 
upon  the  French  and  they  have  been  invited  ;  refuse 
to  return  and  with  these  are  some  of  the  Six  Nations, 
these  are  all  friends,  but  friendship  with  these  people 
must  be  kept  firm  by  presents,  which  make  way  for 
trade.  It  will  therefore  I  apprehend  be  necessary 
for  this  Governm*  to  treat  with  them  and  by  presents 
fix  them  in  the  English  interest.     The   Pennsylva- 


In  Colonial  Days. 


259 


nians  claim  as  I  am  told  to  the  39'**  degree,  this  will 
take  from  Virginia  a  considerable  quantity  of  land 
and  prevent  the  Ohio  Company  setling  with  any  cer- 
tainty, as  noe  such  line  has  ever  been  run ;  there 
seems  to  be  the  same  reason  for  setling  the  North- 
ern, as  there  was  for  settling  the  Southern  bounds  of 
Virginia  and  if  your  Lordships  think  soe,  the  same 
way  may  be  taken  by  appointing  Commissioners. 

The  last  and  great  difficulty  of  that  Company  will 
be  the  erecting  and  garrisoning  a  Fort,  this  will  be 
such  an  expence  to  a  private  Company,  that  have  noe 
pretence  nor  desire  to  an  exclusive  trade,  that  it  will 
make  them  much  less  able  to  carry  on  a  trade  suff'  to 
engage  the  Indians  effectually  in  the  Brittish  intrest. 
The  Indians  as  far  as  I  have  observed  seldom  or 
never  breake  their  faith,  but  from  mere  necessity.  If 
they  are  not  supplyed  with  Guns,  Ammunition  & 
Cloths,  by  presents  and  trade,  they  must  starve,  soe 
they  are  obliged  to  cultivate  a  friendship  with  those 
y*  will  help  them. 

I  refer  your  Lordships  to  what  Mr.  Hanbury  will 
lay  before  your  Lordships  more  at  large,  and  we  hope 
for  your  Lordships  favourable  representations  to  His 
Majesty  in  favour  of  the  Ohio  Company,  whose  views 
I  am  convinced  are  for  the  public  good,  to  extend 
His  Majesty's  Empire  in  America  and  by  an  honest 
trade  to  strengthen  the  Brittish  Intrest  against  any 
enemy  whatever. 

The  French  claim  to  the  Missisippi  is  not  just, 
since  if  your  Lordships  turn  to  your  books  ab*  the 


26o 


The  Ohio   Valley 


Jt;l;l 


latter  end  of  King  Williams  reign,  it  will  appear  by 
a  representation  to  the  King  y^  that  River  and  farr 
beyond  it  was  granted  by  King  Charles  the  first  to 
S*^  Robert  Heath  &  setled  by  the  English,  long  be- 
fore the  French  had  been  in  them  parts,  and  the 
King's  claim  is  continued  by  the  bounding  of  the 
Carolines  by  the  South  Sea. 

If  by  these  further  Indulgences  from  His  Majestye 
the  Ohio  Company  are  allowed  to  carry  on  their  trade 
and  make  their  Settlement,  they  hope  to  engage  the 
Indians  of  the  several  Nations  soe  effectually  in  the 
Brittish  intrest,  y*  the  encroachments  of  the  French 
will  be  prevented.     *     *     * 

Very  incomplete  abstracts  of  papers  relating  to  the 
Ohio  Company,  made  for  me  in  London  : 

Virginia  Aug^  21^'  i75i- 
My  Lords 

[He  transmits  a  map  of  Virginia,  &  information 
showing  it  to  be  correct,  has  referred  these  matters 
to  a  gentleman  of  considerable  mathematical  &  geo- 
graphical knowledge,  he  sends  a  book  relating  to 
Virginia  &  an  account  of  John  P.  Salley's  travels, 
his  own  journey  to  Bath,  notwithstanding  grants 
made  by  the  Kings  of  England,  France,  or  Spain, 
the  right  to  uninhabited  lands  must  depend  on  prior 
occupancy  ;  letter  and  instructions  reed.;  order  from 
Lords  Justices  re  Quit-rents  ;  state  of  the  Indians  ;] 
This  Fall  I  shall  send  a  Messenger  to  acquaint  them 
[the  Indians]  that  I  purpose  next  May  to  send  Com- 
missioners to  meet  them  at  the  Place  they  desire ; 


In  Colonial  Days.  261 

and  at  the  Conference  I  shall  endeavour  to  obtain  a 
Confirmation  of  the  Grant  of  the  Lands  made  to 
his  Majesty  at  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster  in  Order  to 
give  the  Ohio  Company  an  Opportunity  of  surveying 
the  large  Tract  of  Land  his  Majesty  was  pleased  to 
Grant  to  them.  [Intended  remonstrance  to  the  In- 
dians re  ill-treating  inhabit  .nts  [of  Virginia] ;  audience 
with  ambassador  from  the  Cherokees  ;  proceedings  of 
Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer ;  Land  Law  passed  by 
the  General  Assembly.] 

I  have  the  Honour  to  be  with  the 

greatest  Regard  and  Esteem 

your  Lordships  most  obedient 

and  most  humble  Servant 
[To  the  Board  of  Trade]  Lewis  Burwell 

Some  Additions  to  the  Accounts  sent  from  Vir- 
ginia, concerning  the  Extent  and  Limits  of  that  Colony, 
and  the  Encroachments  that  have  been  made  upon  it. 

[Original  grant  of  Virginia  was  made  to  Sir  W. 
Raleigh  in  1584  ;  limits  of  the  province  at  that  time  ; 
reversion  to  the  Crown  ;  grants  made  in  1606  &  1609  J 
second  reversion  to  the  Crown  in  1624,  colonies 
which  border  on  Virginia ;  Lake  Erie  suggested  as 
boundary  between  New  York  &  Virginia ;  inaccu- 
racy of  n  .ps  ;  district  claimed  by  the  French  ;  prior 
settlement  by  the  English  of  lands  near  the  Missis- 
sippi ;  purchase  from  native  proprietors ;  encroach- 
ments on  the  colony  by  the  French  ;  uninhabited 
portions  ;  French  maps ;  most  important  place  is  the 


262 


The  Ohio   Valley 


.nil 


|<i. 


Fork  of  the  Mississippi ;  English  settlements.]  These 
Settlements  [those  made  by  Germans  &  other  for- 
eigners] are  Chiefly  in  the  middle  and  Southern  parts 
of  Virginia ;  In  the  Northern  parts  they  have  none 
at  all,  as  far  as  I  am  Informed,  anywhere  beyond  the 
Mountains,  Notwithstanding  the  large  Grant  made 
to  the  Ohio  Company  there.  But  here  the  Country 
is  peopled  with  Indians  upon  the  River  Ohio,  and 
some  few  of  our  People  Chiefly  from  Pensylvania 
are  Settled  among  them.  [Description  of  the  river 
Ohio,  its  course  &c  ;  claim  of  Canada  to  lands  near 
Lake  Erie;  bounds  of  Maryland  &  Penn'";  fortifica- 
tions &c,  of  the  French  ;  their  tact  in  dealing  with 
the  Indians  ;  loss  of  Fort  Alabama  in  Carolina  ;  rice 
&  tobacco  trade,  defenceless  state  of  our  colonies ; 
it  is  necessary —  1°.  to  settle  the  bounds  of  the  dif- 
ferent colonies]  2°.  To  make  the  Ohio  Company 
Lay  off  their  large  Grant  in  those  parts,  and  make 
the  Settlements  agreed  upon.  Untill  that  is  done, 
no  Others  can  well  take  a  Grant  for  any  Lands  there- 
abouts, for  fear  of  being  Ejected  by  that  very  Exten- 
sive One  that  was  granted  before  them.  3°.  If  the 
like  Grants  of  Smaller  Tracts  of  Lands  were  made 
to  Others  upon  the  same  Terms  with  that  of  the 
Ohio  Company,  and  all  who  will  settle  in  that  Coun- 
try were  allowed  a  grant  free  from  Quick-rents  and 
other  Charges  for  a  certain  Number  of  Years,  to 
Encourage  and  Enable  them  to  make  Settlements  in 
such  remote  and  distant  parts,  it  is  the  Opinion  of 
those  that  are  best  Acquainted  with  it,  that  the  Coun- 


In  Colonial  Days. 


263 


try  on  &  about  the  River  Ohio  would  soon  be  peopled 

and  Secured.     [Limits  suggested  for  free  grants,  4°. 

proposition  to  establish  a  trading  factory  among  the 

Indians;  advisability  of  the  northern  colonies  uniting 

to  oppose  the  influence  of  the  French.] 

[Rec**.  Apr:  14  1752] 

Williamsburg  ^rtjj/ 2 2^^.  1753 
Sr 

[Letter  rec**.;  complaints  of  the  Indian  traders; 
French  designs  to  settle  the  Ohio  will,  if  permitted, 
ruin  the  trade  with  the  Indians  ;  express  sent  to  make 
peace  between  the  Creeks  &  Cherokees  ;  cruel  treat- 
ment of  the  loyal  Cherokees  by  the  Mohawks ;  ap- 
plication to  the  governor  of  Canada  necessary ; 
jealousy  of  the  traders  from  different  colonies  is  very 
prejudicial  to  the  British  interest.]  I  have  often 
mention'd  to  the  Ohio  Comp*:  Y'  Proprietors  Incli- 
nations to  support  their  settling  the  Lands  granted 
them  by  His  Majesty,  for  which  they  seem'd  to  be 
very  well  pleas'd.  [He  is  anxious  to  hear  the  result 
of  the  Assembly's  consideration  on  present  affairs.] 
Believe  me  to  be  with  all  imaginable  regard  &  Esteem 
Sr 
Y'  most  hble  Serv^ 

ROBT    DiNWIDDIE* 

Hon"*:  James  Hamilton  Esq' 

Williamsburg  Virginia  yi^w^  29**  1754 
Right  Hon"*: 

[Return  of    M""  Washington;  enclosures;  ill-treat 

*  Not  in  Dinwiddle  Papers. 


264 


The  Ohio   Valley 


litat 


ment  of  British  subjects  by  the  French  comm''"': ; 
forts  and  forces  of  the  French;  right  of  the  English 
king  to  lands  claimed  by  the  French;  Treaty  of  Lan- 
caster; presents  to  the  Indians.] 

Under  the  certain  right  of  the  Crown  of  Great 
Brit"  His  Majesty  was  pleas'd  to  grant  to  some  of  his 
Subjects,  five  hundred  Thousand  Acres  of  Land  on 
the  Waters  of  the  Ohio,  under  the  Name  of  the 
Ohio  Company.  This  Company,  &  their  Grant,  is 
well  known  to  the  Governor  of  Canada,  &  that  they 
have,  at  great  Expence  begun  their  Settlement, 
agreeable  to  their  Grant,  but  some  of  their  People 
are  return'd,  being  seiz'd  with  a  Panick  on  the  Threats 
of  the  French,  &  their  seizing  all  they  can  by  their 
Hands  on  belonging  to  the  British  Subjects,  &  it's 
further  surmiz'd  that  they  spirit  up  the  Indians  in 
their  Interest,  to  way  lay  them,  &  Murder  them. — 
Some  of  our  Subjects  in  the  Frontiers  of  this  Do- 
minion, have  lately  been  barbarously  Murder'd  & 
Scalp'd,  &  said  to  be  done  by  the  French  Indians. 

[Militia  to  be  sent  to  the  Ohio;  House  of  Burgesses; 
bad  state  of  troops;  stores  received  from  the  Board 
of  Ordnance;  requests  smaller  guns.] 

I  remain  with  great  Deference  &  Dutiful  respect 
Right  Hon'^'^r 
Your  Lordships  much  Oblig'd 
&  most  Obed*  hble  Serv*. 

Rob*.  Dinwiddie* 

R*  Hon.  Lords  for  Trade  &c*. 

*  Not  in  Dinwiddie  Papers. 


In  Colonial  Days. 


265 


At  the  Council  Chamber  Whitehall 
the  2**  day  of  April  1 754 
By  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  of  Council  for  Plantation  Affairs 
His  Majesty  having  been  pleased,  by  His  Order 
in  Council  of  the  28'**  of  last  Month,  to  referr  unto 
this  Committee  the  humble  petition  of  the  Ohio 
Company,  praying,  that  upon  Condition  the  Petition- 
ers enlarge  their  Settlements  and  Seat  three  hundred 
Familys  instead  of  One  hundred  by  their  former  Con- 
tract, and  in  Consideration  of  their  erecting  two 
Forts,  One  at  Shurtees  Creek,  and  the  other  at  the 
Fork  where  the  great  Conaway  enters  the  Ohio,  and 
maintain  them  at  their  own  Expence,  That  His  Maj- 
esty will  be  greatly  pleased  to  enlarge  their  Grant 
under  the  same  Exemption  of  Rights  and  Quit  Rents 
as  in  the  former  Instructions,  and  to  fix  the  Bounds 
without  any  further  delay  of  Survey,  from  Romanet- 
toe  or  Kiskominettoe  Creek  on  the  South  East  Side 
of  the  Ohio  to  the  Fork  at  the  entrance  of  the  great 
Conhaway  River,  and  from  thence  along  the  North 
Side  of  the  said  Conhaway  River  to  the  Entrance  of 
Green  Brier  River,  and  from  thence  in  a  Streight 
Line  or  Lines  to  and  along  the  Mountains  to  the 
South  East  Spring  of  Mohongaly  River,  and  from 
thence  Northwards  along  the  Mountains  to  the  North 
East  Springs  of  Romanettoe  or  Kiskominettoe  Creek 
or  till  a  West  Line  from  the  Mountains  intersects 
the  said  Spring  and  along  it  to  its  Entrance  into  the 
Ohio,  which  will  prevent  all  Disputes  or  Delay  about 

34  . 


266 


The  Ohio   Valley 


the  Limits,  which  are  necessary  to  be  immediately 
determined,  as  the  Season  is  advancing  to  procure 
Foreign  Protestants  and  others  of  His  Majestys  Sub- 
jects to  go  on  with  the  Settlement,  and  to  procure 
Materials  to  erect  their  Second  Fort  at  the  Mouth 
of  the  great  Conhaway  River  (the  Fort  on  Shurtees 
Creek  being  now  building  to  prevent  the  Intrusion 
and  Incroachments  of  the  Indians  in  the  French 
Alliance  and  secure  Our  Settlements  upon  the  Ohio, 
which  if  not  immediately  put  in  Execution  before 
they  get  possession,  may  be  highly  detrimental  to  the 
Colonys,  and  occasion  a  great  future  Expence  to 
Britain  —  The  Lords  of  the  Committee  this  day  took 
the  said  Petition  into  their  Consideration,  and  are 
hereby  pleased  to  referr  the  same  (a  Copy  whereof 
is  hereunto  annexed)  to  the  Lords  Commissioners 
for  Trade  and  Plantations,  to  consider  thereof,  and 
Report  their  Opinion  thereupon  to  this  Committee — 

W.  Sharpe 

To  the  Kings  most  Excellent  Majesty  in  Council 
The  humble  Petition  of  the  Ohio  Company 

Sheweth 

That  Your  Pet"  upon  Information  given  by  sev* 
Nations  of  Indians  residing  near  the  Ohio  and  other 
Branches  of  the  Missisippi  &  near  the  Lakes  West- 
ward of  Virginia  that  they  were  desirous  of  Trading 
with  Your  Majestys  Subjects  and  quitting  the  French, 
And  knowing  the  value  of  those  rich  Countrys  which 
were  given  up  and  acknowledged  to  be  Your  Majes- 


In  Colonial  Days.  267 

tys  undoubted  right  by  the  Six  Nations  who  are  law- 
full  Lords  of  all  those  Lands  by  Conquest  from 
other  Indian  Nations  at  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster  the 
2**  day  of  July  1744  Your  Pet"  being  sensible  of  the 
vast  Consequence  of  securing  these  Countrys  from 
the  French  did  in  the  Year  1748  form  themselves 
into  a  Company  to  Trade  with  the  Indians  and  to 
make  Settlements  upon  the  Ohio  or  Allegany  River 
by  the  Name  of  the  Ohio  Company  — 

That  the  Company  in  the  beginning  of  the  Year 
1749  Petitioned  Your  Majesty  wherein  they  set  forth 
the  vast  Advantage  it  would  be  to  Britain  and  the 
Colonys  to  anticipate  the  French  by  taking  possession 
of  that  Country  Southward  of  the  Lakes  to  which 
the  French  had  no  right  nor  had  then  taken  any  pos- 
session except  a  small  Blockhouse  fort  among  the 
Six  Nations  below  the  falls  of  Niagara  they  having 
deserted  Le  Detroit  Fort  Northward  of  Erie  Lake 
during  the  War  and  retired  to  Cannada  ;  The  reasons 
for  Securing  the  same  being  mentioned  at  large  in 
their  said  former  petition  and  in  which  they  prayed 
that  Your  Majesty  wou'd  give  Orders  or  Instructions 
to  Your  Gov"^  of  Virginia  to  make  out  to  Your  Pet", 
five  hundred  Thousand  Acres  betwixt  Romanetto 
and  Buffaloe  Creeks  on  the  South  Side  of  the  Alle 
gany  or  Ohio  River  and  between  the  two  Creeks  and 
Yellow  Creek  on  the  North  Side  of  that  River  upon 
the  Terms  and  with  the  Allowances  therein  mentioned 
to  which  they  beg  leave  to  referr  — 

That  Your    Pet"  in  pursuance  of  the  s**  petition 


268 


The  Ohio   Valley 


i^a 


obtained  an  Order  from  Your  Majesty  to  your  Lieu^ 
Gov"^  of  Virginia  dated  March  iS^'*  1748-9  to  make 
them  a  Grant  or  Grants  of  200,000  Acres  of  Land 
between  Romanettoe  and  Buffalo  Creeks  on  the  South 
Side  of  the  Ohio  and  betwixt  the  two  Creeks  aiid 
Yellow  Creek  on  the  North  Side  thereof  or  in  such 
part  to  the  Westward  of  the  great  Mountains  as  the 
Company  shou'd  think  proper  for  making  Settle- 
ments and  extending  their  Trade  with  the  Indians 
with  a  Proviso  that  if  they  did  not  erect  a  Fort  on 
the  s*^  Land  &  maintain  a  sufficient  Garrison  therein 
&  seat  at  their  proper  expence  a  hundred  Familys 
thereon  in  Seven  Years  the  s'*  Grants  should  be  void 
And  as  soon  as  these  terms  were  accomplished  he 
was  ordered  to  make  out  a  further  Grant  or  Grants 
of  300,000  Acres  under  the  like  Conditions  Restric- 
tions and  Allowances  as  the  first  200,000  Acres  ad- 
joining thereto  &  within  these  Limits  These  Or^^^^rs 
were  delivered  to  the  Hofioble  W".  Nelson  on  cue 
12*'*  of  Juiy  following  174.9  and  upon  producing  them 
before  the  Gov'  &  Council  they  made  an  Entry  in 
the  Council  Books  that  the  Company  should  have 
leave  given  to  them  to  take  up  and  Survey  200,000 
Acres  within  the  places  mentioned  in  Your  Majestys 
said  Instructions  and  Orders 

That  Your  Pet"^^  upon  this  Entry  in  the  Council 
Books  bent  to  Great  Britain  for  a  Cargoe  of  Goods 
to  begin  their  Trade  &  purchased  Lands  upon  the 
Potomack  River  being  the  most  convenient  place  to 
erect  storehouses  ;  and  in  Sepf  following  1 749  e-n- 


In  Colonial  Days. 


269 


ployed  Gentlemen  to  discover  the  Lands  beyond  the 
Mountains  to  know  where  they  shou'd  make  their 
Surveys  But  they  not  having  made  any  considerable 
progress  the  Company  in  Sept"^  1 750  agreed  to  give 
M"^  Christopher  Gist  ;^i50  certain  and  such  further 
handsome  Allowance  as  his  Service  should  deserve  for 
searching  &  discovering  the  Lands  upon  the  Ohio 
and  its  sev'  Branches  as  low  as  the  falls  on  the  Ohio 
with  proper  Instructions  He  accordingly  set  out  in 
Ocf.  1750&  did  not  return  'till  May  1751  after  a 
Tour  of  1200  Miles  in  which  he  visited  many  Indian 
Towns  and  found  them  all  desirous  of  entering  into 
strict  Friendship  &  Trade  with  Your  Majestys  Sub- 
jects. 

That  Your  Pet"  at  their  general  Meeting  in  May 
1 751  judging  it  necessary  for  their  Trade  and  passage 
to  the  Ohio  to  have  a  Grant  of  some  Lands  belong- 
ing to  Maryland  and  Pensilvania  wrote  to  M"^  Hanbury 
to  apply  for  the  same  to  the  proprietors  &  laid  out  & 
opened  a  Waggon  Road  Sixty  feet  wide  from  their 
Storehouse  at  Wills's  Creek  to  the  three  Branches 
on  Yauyaugain  River  computed  to  be  near  eighty 
Miles  And  applied  to  the  president  and  Masters  of 
William  and  Mary  College  for  a  Commission  to  a 
Surveyor  to  lay  out  the  Lands  as  they  pretend  they 
had  a  Right  so  to  do  proposing  to  begin  the  Survey 
after  receiving  M*"  Gist's  Report  — 

Your  Pet*^^  finding  by  s*^  Gists  Journal  that  he  had 
only  observed  the  Lands  on  the  North  Side  of  the 
Ohio  and  finding  that  the  Indians  were  unwilling  that 


270 


The  Ohio   Valley 


they  should  then  Settle  on  the  Miamees  River  or  on 
the  North  Side  of  the  Ohio  &  the  Lands  lying  too 
much  exposed  &  at  too  great  a  distance  as  may  ap- 
pear by  the  Chart  hereunto  annexed  to  which  Your 
Pet"  beg  leave  to  referr ;  They  employed  the  s**  Gist 
to  go  out  a  Second  time  to  view  and  examine  the 
Lands  between  Mohongaly  and  the  Big  Conhaway 
Woods  or  New  River  on  the  South  East  Side  of  the 
Ohio  which  employed  him  from  4'*^  Nov"^  1751  to  the 
March  following  1 752,  but  he  could  not  finish  his  plan 
&  Report  before  Oct"^  1752  at  which  time  the  Com- 
pany gave  in  a  petition  to  the  Governor  and  Council 
praying  leave  to  Survey  and  take  up  their  first 
200,000  Acres  between  Romanettoes  otherwise  Kis- 
kominettoe's  Creek  &  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio  and  the 
great  Conhaway  otherwise  New  River  otherwise 
Woods  River  on  the  South  Side  of  the  Ohio  in  sev- 
eral Surveys — 

The  Gov'  &  Council  having  not  thought  fit  to 
comply  with  the  prayer  of  the  s'^  petition  to  allow 
Your  Pet"  to  survey  their  Lands  in  different  Tracts 
as  wou'd  best  accommodate  the  Settlers  &  secure 
their  Frontiers  from  Attacks  the  President  &  Masters 
of  the  College  also  refusing  to  give  out  a  Commis- 
sion to  a  Surveyor  &  the  late  Gov'^  &  Council  having 
made  out  large  Grants  to  private  persons  Landjob- 
bers  to  the  amount  of  near  1,400,000  Acres  imme- 
diately nay  even  the  same  day  after  Your  Majestys 
Instructions  for  making   out  Your  Pet"    Grants   & 


In  Colonial  Days.  271 

Surveys  became  publickly  known  where  the  Lands 
were  in  properly  described  or  limited  nor  surveyed  ; 
by  which  means  their  several  Grants  might  have  in- 
terfered with  the  Lands  discovered  &  chosen  by  the 
Company  Your  Pet"  were  laid  under  difficultys  in 
surveying  and  settling  their  Lands  &  erecting  the 
Fort  tho  Your  Pet"  have  been  at  very  great  expence 
&  are  willing  to  be  at  a  much  greater  to  secure  those 
valuable  Countrys  and  the  Indian  Trade — 

That  Your  Pet"  apprehend  from  these  Obstructions 
and  the  delay  &  expence  attending  Surveys  &  from  the 
Suits  that  may  be  commenced  upon  Account  of  the 
Grants  made  out  to  other  persons  since  the  Instruc- 
tions given  by  Your  Majesty  to  grant  to  Your  Pet"  the 
Lands  mentioned  in  the  said  Instructions  which  may 
occasion  longer  delays  The  Company  may  be  pre- 
vented from  fulfilling  their  Covenants  of  settling  the 
Lands  &  compleating  their  Fort  in  the  time  specified 
by  the  said  Contract  And  as  Boundarys  to  large 
Grants  are  much  more  natural  and  easy  to  be  ascer- 
tained by  Laving  Rivers  for  their  Limits  &  streight 
Lines  or  Mountains  to  connect  them  from  River  to 
River  &  at  much  less  expence  and  delay  in  fixing 
them  — 

Therefore  Your  Pet"  pray  that  upon  Condition 
Your  Pet"  shall  enlarge  their  Settlem'^•  &  Seat  three 
hundred  Familys  instead  of  One  hundred  by  their 
former  Contract  and  in  Consideration  of  their  erect- 
ing two  Forts  One  at  Shurtees  Creek  and  the  other 


272 


The  Ohio   Valley 


at  the  Fork  where  the  great  Conhaway  enters  the 
Ohio,  and  maintain  them  at  their  own  Expence  That 
Your  Majesty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  enlarge 
their  Grant  under  the  same  exemption  of  Rights  and 
Quit  Rents  as  in  the  former  Instructions  &  to  fix  the 
Bounds  without  any  further  delay  of  Survey  from 
Romanetto  or  Kiskominetto  Creek  on  the  South 
East  Side  of  the  Ohio  to  the  Fork  at  the  Entrance 
of  the  great  Conhaway  River  and  from  thence  along 
the  North  Side  of  the  said  Conhaway  River  to  the 
Entrance  of  Green  Brier  River  and  from  thence  in 
a  Straight  Line  or  Lines  to  and  along  the  Mountains 
to  the  South  East  Spring  of  Mohongaly  River  and 
from  thence  Northwards  along  the  Mountains  to  the 
North  East  Springs  of  Romanettoe  or  Kiskominettoe 
Creek  or  'till  a  West  Line  from  the  Mountains  inter- 
sects the  said  Spring  and  along  it  to  its  entrance  into 
the  Ohio  which  will  prevent  all  Disputes  or  delay 
about  the  Limits  which  are  necessary  to  be  imme- 
diately determined  as  the  Season  is  advancing  to 
procure  foreign  protestants  and  others  of  Your  Maj- 
estys  Subjects  to  go  on  with  the  Settlement  &  to 
procure  materials  to  Erect  their  Second  Fort  at  the 
Mouth  of  the  great  Conhaway  River  (the  Fort  on 
Shurtees  Creek  being  now  building)  to  prevent  the 
intrusion  and  incroachments  of  the  Indians  in  the 
French  Alliance  and  secure  Our  Settlements  upon 
the  Ohio  which  if  not  immediately  put  in  Execution 
before  they  get  possession  may  be  highly  detrimental 


hi  Colonial  Days.  273 

to  the  Colonys  and  Occasion  a  great  future  expence 
to  Britain  — 

And  Your  Pet",  will  ever  Pray  &c^ 

signed  Arthur  Dobbs 

I.  Hanbury 
Samuel  Smith 
James  Wardrop 
In  behalf  of  Ourselves  and  the  rest  of  the 
Ohio  Company 


APPENDIX  E. 
Census  of  the  Cherokees  in  1721 

(Letter  Book  i8  p.  75,  Sy.  Prop.  Gosp,  in  Foreign  Parts) 

South  Carolina,  Dorchester 
I  April  1723-4. 

A  true  &  Exact  account  of  the  Number  of  Names 
of  all  the  Towns  belonging  to  the  Cherrikee  Nation 
&  the  Number  of  Men  Women  &  Children  Inhab- 
iting  the  same  taken  Anno  1721. 

No.  of 
Towns 


I 

2 

3 

4 

5 
6 

7 


Towns  Names  Men 

Kewokee 168 

Eascenica 44 

Oakenni 57 

Timotly 42 

Checlokee 71 

Tockaswoo 50 

Toogellon 70 

35 


Women 

Children 

155 

m 

42 

48 

52 

75 

68 

42 

71 

n 

60 

60 

66 

68 

2  74 


The  Ohio   Valley 


i!!^ 


No.  of 
Towns 

8 


9 

lO 

II 

12 

13 

14 

15 
16 

17 
18 

19 
20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 
26 

27 
28 

29 
30 

31 
32 
33 

34 
35 
36 


Towns  Names  Men 

Changee 80 

Eastatoe 1 50 

Echle 55 

Chattoogie 30 

Kittowah 143 

Stickoce 97 

Noonnie 61 

Suskasetchie 150 

Tarrahnie 72 

Echotee 59 

Tuckoe 34 

Turrurah 60 

Wooroughtye 30 

Taseetchie 36 

Quannisee 37 

Tookarechga 60 

Stickoce 42 

Old  Eastatoe 40 

Mougake 57 

Echoce 44 

Nookassie 53 

Cunnookah 89 

Cattojay 48 

Elojay  ye  little 58 

Wattogo 64 

Torree 59 

Cowyce 78 

Taskeegee 60 

Erawgee 43 


Women 

Children 

60 

60 

191 

281 

50 

44 

40 

20 

98 

47 

90 

95 

56 

60 

140 

145 

II 

7 

97 

65 

33 

27 

40 

22 

20 

12 

44 

45 

31 

36 

50 

45 

30 

30 

50 

34 

31 

42 

30 

36 

50 

39 

59 

54 

51 

39 

50 

64 

59 

53 

60 

69 

78 

102 

62 

64 

49 

41 

In  Colotiial  Days.  275 


No.  of 

Towns               Towns  Names  Men 

Tookareegha "]"] 

Cheowhee 30 

Tomotly 124 

Elojay 56 

Little  Terrequo.  .. .  50 

Suoigella 50 

Little  Euphusee  ...  70 

Little  Tunnissee. ...  12 

Great  Euphusee  ...  70 

Terrequo 100 

Tunnissee 160 

Settequo 'j^ 

Charraway 70 

Tarrassee 'j^'t^ 

Sarrawotee 40 

Taskeegee 70 

Elojay 30 


^1 
38 

39 
40 

41 

42 

43 

44 

45 
46 

47 
48 

49 
50 

51 
52 
53 


3510: 


Women 

Children 

114 

36 

42 

42 

130 

103 

70 

65 

56 

48 

65 

60 

125 

54 

30 

20 

72 

60 

125 

116 

193 

190 

123 

n 

71 

35 

Z^ 

24 

55 

50 

69 

75 

39 

47 

3595: 

3274 

Total  10379* 

*  I  am  indebted  to  Chaplain  R.  R.  Hoes,  U.  S.  N.,  for  a  copy  of  this  in- 
teresting paper. 


276 


The  Ohio   Valley 


APPENDIX  F. 


'ill 


Mil 


Letter  from  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Governor  of  New 
York  to  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  Secretary  of  State, 
Novbr  i2'\  1770 

(N.  Y.  Col.  Documents  VIII  253). 

....   I  have  made   it  my  business  to  enquire  and 
find  out  the  opinion  of  the  people  here,  on  the  scheme 
in  agitation  of  establishing  a  Colony  on  the  Ohio ;  I 
find,  all  who  have  any  knowledge  of  such  affairs  con- 
cur in  condemning  the  project ;  they  alledge  among 
a  variety  of  reasons,  that  a  Colony,  at  such  an  im- 
mense distance  from   the  settled  parts  of   America 
and  from  the  Ocean,  can  neither  benefit  either  those 
settled  parts  or  the  mother  Country  ;  that  they  must 
immediately  become  a  lost  people  to  both  &  all  com- 
munication of  a  commercial  nature  with  them  be  a 
vain  attempt,  from  the  difficulty  and  expence  attend- 
ing the  Transport  of   commodities  to   them,  which 
would  so  enhance  the  price  thereof,  as  to  make  it 
utterly  impossible  for  them  to  purchase  such  com- 
modities, for  they  could  not  raise  a  produce  of  any 
kind,  that  would  answer  so  difficult  and  expensive 
transport  back ;  such  Colony  must  therefore  be  their 
own  Manufacturers  ;  and  the  great  expence  of  main- 
taining Troops  there  for  their  protection  be  a  dead 
weight  on  Govern^  without  the  hopes  of  reaping  any 
advantage  hereafter.     The  scheme  alarms  extremely 
all  the  settled  parts  of  America,  the  people  of  prop- 


In  Colonial  Days.  277 

erty  being  justly  apprehensive  of  consequences  that 
must  inevitably  ensue  ;  that  such  a  Colony  will  only 
become  a  drain  to  them  (now  but  thinly  peopled)  of 
an  infinite  number  of  the  lower  Class  of  inhabitants, 
who  the  desire  of  novelty  alone  will  induce  to  change 
their  situation;  and  the  withdrawing  of  those  Inhab- 
itants will  reduce  the  value  of  Lands  in  the  provinces 
even  to  nothing  and  make  it  impossible  for  the  Pat- 
entees to  pay  the  Quit-Rents  ;  by  which,  it  is  evident, 
His  Maj'y^  interest  must  be  very  much  prejudiced. 
Add  to  this  the  great  probability,  I  may  venture  to 
say  (with)  certainty,  that  the  attempting  a  settlement 
on  the  Ohio  will  draw  on  an  Indian  war  ;  it  being 
well  known,  how  ill  affected  the  Ohio  Indians  have 
always  been  to  our  interest,  and  their  jealousy  of 
such  a  settlement,  so  near  them,  must  be  easily  fore- 
seen ;  therefore,  as  such  a  war  would  affect  at  least, 
the  nearest  provinces,  as  well  as  the  new  Colony, 
Your  LordP  must  expect  those  provinces  will  not  fail 
to  make  heavy  complaints  of  the  inattention  of 
Govern^  to  their  interest.  I  cannot  therefore,  but 
think  it  my  duty  to  recommend  to  your  LordP  not  to 
suffer  this  scheme  to  have  effect,  at  least  until  your 
LordP  shall  have,  from  the  most  substantial  and  clear 
proofs,  been  made  thoroughly  sensible  of  its  utility. — 

Report  of  Lord  Hillsborough,  President  of  the 
Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  on 
the  petition  of  Thomas  Walpole,  in  1772  (Sparks' 
Franklin  IV  303  et  seq.) 

We  take  leave  to  remind  your  Lordships  of  that 


2  78 


The  Ohio   Valley 


%m. 


principle  which  was  adopted  by  this  Board  and  ap- 
proved and  confirmed  by  his  Majesty,  immediately 
after  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  viz  :  the  confining  the 
western  extent  of  settlements  to  such  a  distance  from 
the  seashore,  as  that  those  settlements  should  lie 
within  reach  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  this  king- 
dom ....  and  also  of  the  exercise  of  that  authority 
and  jurisdiction  which  was  conceived  to  be  necessary 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Colonies  in  a  due  subor- 
dination to,  and  dependence  upon,  the  mother  coun- 
try. And  these  we  apprehend  to  have  been  the  two 
capital  objects  of  his  Majesty's  proclamation  of  the 
7^^  of  October  1 763,  ....  The  great  object  of  colo- 
nizing upon  the  continent  of  North  America  has  been 
to  improve  and  extend  the  commerce,  navigation  and 
manufactures  of  the  kingdom.  ...  It  does  appear  to 
us,  that  the  extension  of  the  fur  trade  depends  en- 
tirely upon  the  Indians  being  undisturbed  in  the 
possession  of  their  hunting  grounds,  and  that  all 
colonizing  does  in  its  nature,  and  must  in  its  conse- 
quences operate  to  the  prejudice  of  that  branch  of 

commerce Let  the  savages  enjoy  their  deserts 

in  quiet.  Were  they  driven  from  their  forests  the 
peltry  trade  would  decrease;  and  it  is  not  impossible, 
that  worse  savages  would  take  refuge  in  them. 


In  Colonial  Days.  270 


APPENDIX  G. 

Letter   from    Sir    W".   Johnson    to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  and  Plantations,  dated  Albany  Septbr  28,  1 757. 

(Sir  W.  Johnson  Papers,  IV,  155.) 

The  Indians  are  disgusted  and  dissatisfied  with  the 
extensive  Purchases  of  land  (made  by  Penn*"  &  other 
Gov'")  and  do  think   themselves  injured  thereby — 
This  is  one  main  cause  of  their  defection  from  the 
British  interest  —  This  disgust  and  its  consequential 
jealousies  have  been  some  of  the  chief  means,  made 
use  of  by  the  PVench,  to  alienate  the  Indians  from 
his  Majesty's  interest  &  provoke  them   to  commit 
hostilities  upon  our  Frontiers  and  until  some  meas- 
ures can  be  put  into  execution  to  make  the  Indians 
easy  &  remove   the   jealousies,  tho'   by   temporary 
expedients,  they  may  be  kept  from  breaking  out  into 
open  violence  ;  yet  they  will  work  like  a  slow,  but 
certain    poison.     By  presents  and  management  we 
may  be  able   to  keep  some  little  Indian  interest  yet 
alive  and  perhaps  some  Nations  to  act  a  neutral  part, 
yet  I  am  apprehensive  meer  Expense,  Speeches  & 
Promises  (so  often  repeated   &    so  little  regarded) 
will  never  be  able  to  effect  a  favorable  revolution  of 
our  Indian  interest  &  deprive  the  French  of  the  great 
advantage  they  have  over  us  by  their  Indian  Alli- 
ances. 

I  would  not  be  understood,  my  Lords,  to  mean, 
that  there  is  no  alternative,  by  which  we  may  pos- 


iii 


i^-   mt  •••  V  wwf 


v^^V. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


^1^ 


1.0 


I.I 


128 


■50 


|Z5 


itt  12^ 


12.2 


^   tin    12.0 


I' 
i 


IL25  III  1.4 


^1^ 


^ 

^.4^ 


28o         The  Ohio   Valley  in  Colonial  Days. 

sibly  avail  ourselves,  so  as  to  keep  an  even  hand  with 
the  Indians ;  reducing  the  French  to  our  terms  would 
enable  us  to  give  Law  to  the  Indians.  Forts  & 
Levies  on  our  Frontiers,  if  carried  on  with  an  unani- 
mous, vigorous  &  proper  exertion  of  the  strength  of 
the  several  Gov*%  if  it  did  not  overawe  the  Indians 
from  attempting  any  hostilities,  might  prevent  their 
effecting  any 


INDEX. 


Abercrombie,  Gen.,  158. 
Albany  Congress,  1 1 7, 1 76. 
Alleghany  Co.,  Pa.,  187. 
Allegheny  Mts.,   115,   127 

etseq.,  141, 166,  176,  197. 
Allouez,  Father,  S.  J.,  51. 

Allison, ,  169. 

Amherst,  Sir  Jeffrey,  158, 

169,  170. 
Apalachia,     Appalachean 

Mis.,  23,  236. 
Atkins,  Edmund,  47,  147. 
Attakullakulla,    Chief   of 

Cherokees,  114. 
Aubry,  Captain,  163. 
Augusta,  Kenty,  195. 
Augusta  Co.,  Pa.,  116,  128. 


Baker,  Lieut,  149. 
Baldwin,  C.  C,  30. 
Banyar,  Goldsborow,  143. 
Batts,  Thomas,  220,  229. 
Bean,  John,  214. 

36 


Beauharnois,  Gov.  of 
Canada,  44  et  seq.,  53, 
80. 

Belcher,  Gov.  of  New  Jer- 
sey, 102,  145. 

Bellomont,  Gov.  of  New 
York,  70. 

Berkley,  Sir  Wm.,  Gov. 
of  Virginia,  227. 

Beverly,  Robert,  230. 

Bezon,  Sieur,  75. 

Big  Kettle,  Indian  Chief, 
112. 

Bledsoe,  Isaac,  193. 

Bleeker,  John,  57. 

Blount,  Gov  of  S.  W.  Ter- 
ritory, 205. 

Boiling  Spring,  Ky.,  206. 

Books,  consulted  and  re- 
ferred to: 
American  Antiquarian, 

30,  51- 
American       Gazetteer, 
163. 


282 


Index 


Books: 

American  State  Papers, 
204. 

Bancroft,  History,   180. 

Bigelow,  Franklin,  174. 

Bogart,  Boone,  190. 

Bouquet's  Expedition, 
172. 

Bruyas,  Indian  Diction- 
ary, II,  13. 

Burke,  European  Settle- 
ments, 61. 

Call,  Virginia  Reports, 
90. 

Charlevoix,       Histoire, 

5i»90- 
Colden,   Five   Nations, 

40. 

Colden,  Memoir  on  Fur 
Trade,  78. 

Coxe,  Description  of 
Carolina,  9,  210,  236. 

Coxe,  Memoirs  of  Sir 
Robt.  Walpole,  87. 

Craig,  Olden  Times, 
100. 

Creuxius,  Historia  Can- 
adensis, 32. 

Dinwiddle  Papers,  89, 
94  et  seq.,  102  et  seq,, 
no  et  seq.y  118,  121 
ei  seq.,  127^/  seq.,  136 
et  seq.,  148,  154,  263. 

Documents  relating  to 
Colonial    History   of 


N.  Y.  (N.  Y.  Colonial 
History),  34  et  seq., 
44,  45,  50  et  seq.,  63 
et  seq.y  67  et  seq.,  71  et 
seq.,  y^  et  seq.,  84  et 
seq.,  91,  93,  95,  117, 
127,    145,    147,     152, 

156,   i57»   I59»  161  et 
seq.,   169  et  seq.,  172, 
1 74  et  seq.,  1 78  et  seq., 
198,  208,  276. 
Gallatin,  Synopsis,    30, 

Garcilassa  de  la  Vega, 
Incas,  38,  207. 

Hakluyt,  Principal  Nav- 
igations, 60,  207. 

Harrison,     Aborigines, 

54. 
Hawks,  North  Carolina, 

38. 

Haywood,  Tennessee, 
211,  213. 

Hening,  Virginia  Stat- 
utes, 203. 

Hewitt,  South  Carolina, 
211. 

Iredell,  Laws  of  North 
Carolina,  203. 

Jesuit  Relations,  of 
1618,  33;  of  1635,  66; 
of  1654,  34;  of  1661, 
218. 

Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity Studies,  203. 


Index, 


283 


Books: 

Kirke,  Rearguard,  189. 

de  Laet,  Novum  Bel- 
gium, zi' 

Lederer,  Travels,  38. 

Lodge,  English  Colo- 
nies, 186. 

London  Magazine,  173. 

Marshall,  Kentucky, 
188,  194  et  seq.y  207. 

Monette,  Louisiana, 
180. 

Moorehead,  First  Set- 
tlement of  Kentucky, 
188,  202. 

Morden,  Geography,  22. 

New  Jersey  Archives, 
102,   104. 

Parkman,  Discovery  of 
the  Great  West,  34, 
61. 

Parkman,  Conspiracy  of 
Pontiac,  39,  50,  53, 
165,  167,  171. 

Pennsylvania  Archives, 
86,  131,  156,  162,  168. 

Pennsylvania  Gazette, 
169. 

Pennsylvania  Magazine 
of  History,  86. 

Pennsylvania   Records, 

131,  168. 
Post,  Journal,  160. 
Ramsey,  Annals  of  Ten- 
nessee, 207,  208. 


Books: 
Salmon,  Gazetteer,  25. 
Schoolcraft,       Oneota, 

53. 
Smyth,  Travels,  204. 

Sparks,   Franklin,    177, 
277. 

Spotswood  Letters,  74. 

Stoddard,       Louisiana, 
178. 

Voyage  au  Kentoukey, 
180. 

Winsor,  Narr.  and  Crit- 
ical History,  19,  174, 
184. 
Boone,  Daniel,  138,  188^/ 

seg.,  1(^1  et  seg,,  193,  200, 

206,  213. 
Boone,  Squire,  191. 
Boonesborough,  Ky.,  206. 
Botetourt  Co.,  Va.,  195. 
Bouquet,  Henry,  Colonel, 

170,  212. 
Bourbon  Co.,  Ky.,  201. 
Bracken  Co.,  Ky.,  195. 
Braddock,    General,    121, 

124   et   seg.,    147,    151, 

166. 
Bradstreet,     Broadstreet, 

Colonel,   127,   159,    178 

et  seg. 
Brooke  Co.,  Va.,  88. 
Brown,  Jacob,  214. 
Brul6,  Etienne,  12. 
Bullitt,  Thomas,  194. 


284 


Index. 


Bullock,  Leonard  Henley, 

202. 
Burnet,     Gov.     of     New 

York,  36,  79. 
Burwell,  Lewis,  261. 
Byrd,  Colonel,  212,  228. 
Byrd,  William,  139. 


Cabot,  Jean,  60. 
Cabot,  Sebastien,  60,  61. 
Cairo,  Illinois,  180. 
Cameron,  Alexander,  214. 
Cape  Breton,  10. 
Carlisle,  John,  249. 
Carlisle,  Penna.,  150. 
Carolana,  Province  of,  9, 

236. 
Catarakoui,  63. 
Chapman,  Nathl.,  249. 
Charleville,  M.,  208. 
Chillicothe,  Ohio,  183. 
Chouegen  (Oswego,  N.Y^, 

91. 
Claese,  Lawrence,  57. 
Clapham,  Colonel,  169. 
Clark,  George,  195. 
Clark  Co.,  Ky.,  190. 
Clarke,  Lt.-Gov.  of  N.  Y., 

80. 
Claus,  Daniel,  Lieut,  141. 
Clayton,    Mr.,    220,    224, 

237. 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  40. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  10. 


Clinton,  Colonial  Gover- 
nor of  N.  Y.,  92  et  seq., 
186. 

Cocquard,  Rev.  Claude 
Godefroy,  152. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,   78. 

Columbiana  Co.,  Ohio,  88. 

Connolly,  John,  183. 

Cool,  Wm.,  190. 

Cresap,  Michael,  97,  103, 
187. 

Cressup,  Colonel,  249. 

Cressup,  Daniel,  249. 

Croghan,  George,  54,  94, 
157,  176,  177,  179,  180. 

Crown  Point,  N.  Y.,  125. 

Crystal  Mountain,  10. 

Cumberland  Gap,  138. 

Gumming,  Sir  Alex' r,  210. 

Cuyler,  Lieut.,  167. 


Dagworthy,    Capt.    John, 

150,   151. 
d'Arnouville,    J.    B.     Ma- 

chault,  152. 
Dartmouth,  Earl  of,   181. 
de  Beaujeu,  M.,  132. 
de  Biedma,  L.  H.,  9. 
de  Bussy,  M.,  28. 
de  Celvron,   Bienville,  85, 

94>  95- 
de    Contrecoeur,      Pierre 

Claude    Pecaudy,    106, 
131- 


Index. 


285 


de    Courcelles,    Gov.    of 

Canada,  62. 
de  Crozat,  M.,  .  37. 
de    Denonville,    Gov.    of 

Canada,  65. 
Dekanisore,    Sachem    of 

the  Onondagas,  57. 
de  la  Barre,  Gov.  of  Can- 
ada, 68. 
de  la  Gallissoni6re,Gov.  of 

Canada,  85,  91. 
de  Lancey,  Lt  -Gov.  of  N. 

Y.,  117,  122,  134. 
de   Ligneris,    Capt.    Mar- 

chaud,  132,  159,   161  et 

seg, 
Demire,  Captain,  129. 
de  Muy,  M.,  153. 
Denny,    Gov.   of  Penna., 

156,  160,  162. 
de  St.  Pierre,  Le  Gardeur, 

168. 
de  Soto,  Ferdinand,  9,  207, 

237- 
Detroit,  Mich.,  35,  45,  57, 

153.  167,  176,  179,  187. 

de  Vaudreuil,  Gov.  of  Can- 
ada, 145,  152,  159,  161. 

de  Ville,  Louis  Marie, 
missionary,  75. 

de  Villiers,  Chevalier,  146. 

de  Vincenne,  Sieur,  75. 

Dieskau,  General,  125. 

Dinwiddie,  Gov.  of  Virg*, 
95'  96,  97»  99  et  seq.,  112 


et  seg.,  wj  et  seg.,  121, 

134,   138,    148,  211,  263 

et  seg. 
Dobbs,  Arthur,  273. 
Dobbs,    Gov.    of    North 

Carolina,  120,  212. 
Dollier   de    Casson,    mis- 
sionary, 13,  14,  62,  217. 
Dongan,   Gov.  of   N.  Y., 

66  et  seg. 
Doreil,  M.,  159. 
DouglaS;  James,  194. 
Duchesneau,  Intendant  of 

Canada,  65. 
Dumas,  Captain,  132,  146. 
Dunbar,  Colonel,  125,  129, 

134,  136  et  seg. 
Dunmore,   Lord,  Gov.  of 

N.  Y.,  183,  196,  198,  276; 

of   Virginia,    183,    196, 

198. 

Ecuyer,  Captain,  169. 
Elbert  Co.,  Georgia,  205. 
Erie,  Penna.,  84. 
Estill  Co.,  Ky.,  1^0, 

Fairfax,  George,  249. 
Fallam,  Robert,  220,  229. 
Filson,  John,  190. 
Fincastle  Co.,  Va.,  195. 
Findlay   (Finley),    John, 

187,  190. 
Fletcher,   Gov.  of  N.  Y., 

^\  et  seg. 


286 


Index. 


Floyd,  John,  195. 
Foley,  James,   1 10. 
Forts  and  settlements: 
at   the   mouth    of    the 

Ohio,  25,  26. 
du  Quesne,  27,  39,  143, 
145  et  seq.,  149,   153, 
158,     159,    160,    162, 
I94»  235,  237,  239. 
St.  Joseph,  45,  167. 
St.  Louis,  39. 
Wawiaghta,  55. 

English: 
at  Allegany,  104. 
on  the  Attiqu6   River, 

163. 
Fort  Augusta,  169. 
Fort  Bedford,  160. 
at  Cajonhage,  proposed, 

69. 
on  theCheninque  River, 

27. 
at  Chenussio,  156. 
on  the  Cherakee  River, 

25. 
Fort  Chissel,  212. 
at  Chotte,  140. 
Fort   Cumberland,   150 

et  seq.,  154,  756. 
at  Detroit,  proposed,  70. 
Easton,  Penna.,  157. 
on  Elk  Creek,  163. 
Freydeck,  28. 
Glendenning's,  171. 


Forts  and  settlements: 
on  the  Great  Conaway, 

265. 
on    the    Great    Miami, 

28. 
on  HoLston  River,  212. 
Kuskuskies,  28. 
Fort  Ligonier,  163,  170, 

182. 
Fort  Loudon,  149,  151, 

1 64,  211  et  seq. 
Loyalhannon,   163. 
Monongahela,  106,  109. 
Oswego,  69,  71,  80. 
on   the  Ouabache   and 

Mississippi,  75. 
Owendoes,  27. 
Fort    Pitt,   162   et  seq., 

168  et  seq.,  183. 
at  Pittsburgh,  proposed, 

97. 
Quanese,  20. 
on  the  Scioto,  27. 
on  Shurtees  Creek,  265, 

272. 
Tellico,  28. 
Venango,  27,   167,  168, 

170. 
Walker's,  20,  26, 28,  1 70, 

186. 
on  the  Watauga  River, 

202. 
on     White     Woman's 

Creek,  163. 
on  Yadkin  River,  189. 


Index. 


287 


Forts  and  settlements: 
French: 
Fort  Anne,  20. 
Fort      L'Assomption, 

161,  208. 
Le  Baril,  20. 
Le  Boeuf,  167,  170. 
Fort    Chartres,    178  et 

seq. 
on  Cherakee  River, 
Fort  Crevecoeur,  236. 
at  Diontaroga,  96. 
at  Detroit,  35. 
Fort  des  mi  Amis,  22. 
Fort  de  Tret  (Detroit), 

35. 
Fort  Frontehac,  63,  159, 

161. 

on  Green  Brier's  River, 

116. 
on  Holston  River,  116. 
Irondequoit,  76,  80. 
Joncaire's,  20. 

at      Ka-ke-no-tia-yo-ga, 
96. 

at  Logstown,  95. 

near     Louisville,     Ky., 

Ill,  146,  155. 
Fort     Machault,      152, 

162,  164. 
Fort  Massiac,  180. 
Fort  Michilimackinack, 

167. 

Fort    Niagara,    70,    80, 
159. 


Forts  and  settlements: 
on  the  Ohio  and  Oua- 

bache,  26. 
Ouitanon,  20,  167,  180. 
on  the  Scioto,  proposed, 
III. 

Tiengsachrondio    (De- 
troit), 35. 
Fort  Vincene,  20,  180. 
Wawyachtenoch     (De- 
troit),  35. 
Forbes,  General,  1 59,  1 70. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,    142, 

^n^  197. 

Franklin,  Penna.,  168. 
Franklin     Co.,     Georgia, 

205. 
Fraser;  an  English  trader, 

168. 

Frederick  Co.,  Maryland, 

128. 
Fremin,  P^re,  S.  J.,  14. 
Fremont,  General,  50. 
French,  marching  to   the 

Ohio,  92. 

Friedenshuetten,     Penna., 
184. 

Frontenac,  Gov.  of  Can- 

ada,  62,  63. 
Fry,  Colonel  Joshua,  103, 

109. 

Galinee  TGallinay),  Rene 
de  Brehan  de,  mission- 
ary, 14,  62,  217. 


288 


Index. 


Gates,  Captain,  129. 
Gist,  Christ.,  233   269. 
Glen,  Gov.  of  So.  Caro- 
lina, 120,  123  et  seq. 
Glendenning,    Archibald, 

171. 
Gooch,  Sir  Wm.,  Gov.  of 

^irga.,  240  et  seq. 

Grant,  Major  James,  160. 

Great  Meadows,  112,  130. 

Greenbriar  Company,  90. 

Greenbriar   County,    Va., 

183. 
Gyles,  Jacob,  249. 

Halket,    Sir    Peter,    125, 

1 29. 
Halket,  Lieut,  129. 
Halket,  Major,  129. 
Hamilton,  Gov.  of  Penna., 

99,  186. 
Hampshire  Co.y  Va.,  128. 

Hamptonstall, ,  194. 

Hanbury,   John,   88,  249, 

253,  258  et  seq.,  273. 
Hancock  Co.,  Ohio,  187. 
Hardy,  Gov.  of  New  York, 

47»   147- 
Harrod,  James,  194,  201. 

Harrodsburgh,    Va.,    195, 

206. 

Hart,  David,  202. 

Hart,  Nathl.,  202. 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  10. 

Heath,  Sir  Robert,  260. 


Henderson,  Richard,  202, 

203,  204,  205. 
Hillsborough,    Lord,    48, 

174,  177,  181,  276^/ j^^. 
Hochelaga,   10,  11. 
Hogg,  James,  202. 
H olden,  Joseph,  190. 
Holland,  Lieut,  127. 
Howe,  Lord,  158. 

Illinois  Country,  1 79. 
Indian  names: 
of  Chicago,  Ills.,  35. 
of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  30, 

40. 
of  Detroit,  35,  57,  70, 

76. 
for  Governor  of  Canada, 

34,  44,  114,  218. 
for  Governor  of    New 

York,  35,  84. 
for  King   of   England, 

114. 
of  Sandusky,  Ohio,  45. 
of   Waterford,   Penna., 

168. 
of    Wyoming,    Penna., 

145- 
Indian  Totems,  53. 

Indian  Tribes: 

Aragaritkas   (Hurons), 

35. 
Algonqums,  30,  50,  51. 

Alibanons,  46. 
Andastes,  30»3i»33»34- 


Index, 


>2, 
.8, 


3, 
I, 

V 


Indian  Tribes: 

Antouorons,  31  et  seq. 
Arkansas,  31. 

Assistagueronons,  32. 
Canawhaga,       Cockna- 

waga,  ^^,  84,  96. 
Capitanasses,  38. 
Carantouanons,  31. 
Catawbas,  114,  120,  135, 

138,  232. 
Cat  Nation  (Eries),  32, 

35. 
Cayugas,  96. 

Chachakinguas,  209. 
Chaouanons       (Shawa- 

noes)   21    33,  233. 
Chartier's  Tribe,  45. 
Chaskpes,  39,  40. 
Chenundies,  96. 
Cherokees  (Flatheads), 

30,  3i»33-»  45.  59.  112, 
ii4»  120,  124,  135, 
138  et  seq.,  148.  149, 
150  et  seq.,  164,  192. 
202  et  seq.,  208  et  seq., 
212,  214. 
Chickasaws,  9,   21,   30, 

2i2>^  45.  "i^Z^,  180,  205, 
208. 

C  h  i  c  h  t  a  g  h  i  c  k  s ,  j-^^ 

Twightwees. 
Chippoways,  no,  166. 
Choctaws,  153. 
Connoys,  157. 
Coskinampos,  21. 
37 


289 


Indian  Tribes: 

Creeks,  138  et  seq. 

Delawares,  37,46^/j^^., 
57.  121,  141  et  seq., 
H7>  166,  169,  173, 
176  et  seq.,  184. 

Dionondadee,  51. 

Dowaganhaes  (Wagan- 
haes),  71,  72. 

Eries,  Eriehronons(Cat 
Nation),  S3,  34,  39- 

rar  Nations,  42  et  seq., 
51.  55  ^^  seq.,  65,  66, 
70,  79- 

Five  (Six)  Nations,  Iro- 
quois, 30,  32,  34,  35, 
40  et  seq.,  57,  67,    70, 

72,   7^,  93,   113,   117, 
121,    126,  156  et  seq., 

159.    192. 
Flanakaskies,  221,  229. 
Flatheads  (Cherokees), 

76,  153  et  seq.,  164. 
Ganastogue,  14. 

Gantastogeronons,  32. 
Gens  de  Feu,  32. 
Guyandots,  34. 
Hurons      (Wyandots), 

33».5i»  54  ^^  seq.,  63. 
llhnois,  31,  51,  52. 

Iroquois  (Five  Na- 
tions), 30,  32,  ss,  48, 
59.  62,  75  et  seq.,  95, 

III,    114,    117,     146, 
210,  232, 


290 


Index. 


Indian  Tribes: 
Kichtages,  52. 
Kickapous,  55,  181. 
Lenni-Lenapes    (Dela- 

wares),  49,  50,  57. 
Mdscoutens,  55. 
Massawomecks,  33. 
Miamis   (Twightwees), 

30,  31,  33,  46,  51,  55, 

84,  166,  181. 
Michilimackinacks,  84. 
Mingoes,   173. 
Minissincks,  43. 
Mississagas,  84. 
Mohawks,   -^i,   78,   117, 

157- 
Mohegans,  45,  226,  228. 

Monomunies,  80. 
Nanticokes,  157,  176. 
Neuter    Nation,    Neu- 
trals, 30,  32,  33. 
Nez  Perces,  14,  56,  219. 
Oghnagoes,  157. 
Oneidas,  121. 
Oniasont  -   Keronons, 

32. 
Onondagas  (Onnontae- 

heronons),  34,  57. 
Onogangas,  96. 
Ontastoes    (Andastes), 

219. 
Oroonducks,  84,  96. 
Ottawas,  Outaouaes,  15, 

51,   62,    66,    67,    71, 

no. 


Indian  Tribes: 

Ouabans,  39,  40. 

Ouyattanons,  53. 

Peanguichias,  Piankas- 
has,  Pianguichias, 
Pyankeshas,  30,  31, 
53  ^/  seq.,  180,  209. 

Pepepikoicias,  209. 

Petikokias,  53. 

Poutaouatamies,  Pota- 
wimmies,  15,  32,  84, 
181. 

Praying,  78. 

River,  78. 

Sapony,  221,  229,  232. 

Sat  anas,  Sataras,  40. 

Scenondidies,  96. 

Senecas,  34,  41,  81,  96, 
121,  157,  176. 

Shawanoes,  Shawanese, 
Shawnees,  Showan- 
nes,  Chaouanons,  14, 
37,  et  seq,,  41  et  seq., 
51,96,  121,  \i<^et  seq., 
146  et  seq.,  153  et  seq., 
163,  166,  169,  173, 
176  et  seq.y  182,  208 
et  seq. 

Shepawees,  84. 

Shoenidies,  84. 

Susquehannah,  143. 

Taogarias,  21. 

Ten  Confederate  Na- 
tions, 48. 

Toagenhas,  218. 


Index. 


291 


Indian  Tribes: 

Totoras,  221,  223,  226, 
228,  232. 

Twightwees  (Chichtag- 
hicks,  Miamis),  35, 
40,  51  et  scq.,  70,  86, 
93»  112,  121,135,239. 

Waganhaes  (Dowagan- 
haes),  51,  57. 

Wawyachtenokes,  84. 
With  Straws  thro'  their 

Noses,  56. 
Wyandots      (Hurons), 
30,  50,  86,  1 1 2. 
Indian  Villages: 

Apomatacks  Town,  220, 
231. 

Chartier's   Old    Town, 

45. 

Cherokee  Towns,  273 
et  seq. 

Chicazas,  9. 

La  Demoiselle,  20. 

Delaware  on  the  Ohio, 
.152. 

Diohogo,  176. 

Ganastogue  Sonnon- 
toua,  219. 

Kuskuskies,  28. 

Neguassee,  210. 

Old  Shawnee  Town,  27. 

Pickawillany,  239. 

Quadoge  (Chicago),  35. 

Shahandowana  (Wyo- 
ming), 145. 


Indian  Villages: 

Tatera  Town,  223. 

Tallico,    Telliquo,    28, 
210. 

Tenassee,  210. 

Venango,  168. 
Indian  Words,  11. 
Ingoldsby,  Major,  40. 
Innes,  Colonel  James,  115, 

118. 
International  Law,  60. 
Irondequoit,  35. 


Jacksotiy  Ohio,  183. 

Jefferson  Co.,  Ohio,  88. 

Jenkins,  Lieut.  Edward, 
167. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  36, 
37,  47  ^/j^^.,  54,  92, 125, 
135  et  seq.,  141,  143  et 
seq.,  147,  156,  166,  175, 
179,  181,  194,  196,  198, 
279. 

Johnston,  Wm.,  202. 

Joliet,  ,  43.  51.  63. 

Joncaire,  Chabert  de,  44, 
46,  93. 

Jones,  Rev.  Hugh,  185. 

Jonesboro,  Tenn.,  189. 


Kaskaskias,  Ills., 
Keith,  Charles  P.,  86. 


292 


Index. 


m  !  I 


4 


Keith,  Sir  Wm.,  Gov.  of 

Penna.,  86. 
Kenton,  Simon,  195. 
Kentucky,  12^,  59,    186  et 

seq.,  191,  193,   194,  i^^^ 

2cx>,  206  et  seq. 
Keppel,  Commodore,  125. 
King,     Thomas,      Indian 

Chief,  48. 
Knox,  John,  193. 
Knoxville,  Tenn., 


La     Demoiselle,     Indian 

Chief,  46. 
La  Fayette,  Inda.,  1 67,  1 8 1 . 
Lake    Cadaraqui    (Onta- 

^   70)'  35- 

Lake  Erie  (Sweege),  12 
et  seq.,  52;  Long  Point 
in,  15;  Point  Pel^e  in, 
15. 

Lake  Huron  (Ottawawa), 

Lake  Michigan,  2,7- 

Lake  Onia  sont,  32. 

Lake  Ontario  (Cadara- 
qui), 161. 

Lake  Ottawawa  (Huron;, 
35»  52. 

Lake  Petite,  229,  236. 

Lake  Pimiteone,  236. 

Lake  Sahsquage,  Sweege 
or  Erie,  35. 

Lancaster,  Penna.,  240. 


Laputhia,    the    Shawnee 

King,  121. 
La  Salle,  Robert  Cavelier 

de,  13^^^^^.,  39,51,  61, 

68,  69,  217,  219,  236. 
Lee,    Thomas,    88,    249, 

258. 

Le     Mercier,     Chevalier, 
106. 

Le  Moyne,  Simon,  S.  J., 

missionary,  12. 
Lewis,     Major     Andrew, 

iZ^^etseq.,  171,  183,211. 
Lewis,  John,  89. 
Lewisburg,  Va.,  183. 
Little  Meadows,  in. 
Livingston,  Robert,  52,  70. 
Logstown,  Penna.,  27,  95. 
Long  Hunters,  193. 
Loyal  Company,  89. 
Loudon,  Earl  of,  211. 
Louisville,  Kenty.,  15,  19, 

194. 


McAfee, 


194. 


McBride,  James,  i^'j. 
Mac  Carty,  M.  de,  180. 
McClure,  Alexr.,  156. 
McKee,  Alexr.,  182. 
McGregory,    Patrick,    66, 
67. 

Macrae,  ,  169. 

Madison  Co,,  Ky.,  206. 
Malisit,  Seneca  Chief,  41. 


M  vfihgs.aitnaTimiiha 


Index. 


293 


Manuscripts  consulted: 
Amsterdam  Correspon- 
dence, 12. 
New  York  Colonial,  43, 
57,  58,  66,  96,  99,  no 
et  seq.,  131,  134,  149, 
151,  167,  198. 

New  York  Colonial 
(Council  Minutes), 
40,  42,  46,  56,  58,  92, 
100,  102,  104  et  seg., 
117,  122,  127,  186. 

New  York  Colonial  (In- 
dian Treaties),  36,  81. 

New  York  Colonial 
(Johnson  Papers), 
loi,  143  et  seq.,  157, 
176  et  seq.,  279. 

Sparks*  Collection,    16, 
29. 
Maps,  consulted   and  re- 
ferred to: 

Anti-Gallicans,  26,  186. 

Bellin,  20,  44. 

Bolton,  25,  39. 

Champlain,   12,  31. 

Charlevoix,  35. 

Cellarius,  23. 

Coronelli,  19. 

Creuxius,  32. 

d'Anville,  25,  39,  59,  85. 

de  Bry,  207. 

Delisle,  38,  59,  153,207, 
208. 

Franquelin,  18,  40. 


Maps,  consulted   and    re- 
ferred to: 
Gallatin,  30. 
Halley,  26. 
Hennepin,  19. 
H.  O.,  24,  39. 
Homans,  59. 
Huske,  26. 
Jefferys,  28. 
Jesuits,  18. 
Joliet,  17,  18,  38,  59. 
de  Judaeis,  207. 
Kitchin,  45. 
Lederer,  38. 
Minet,  19. 
Mitchell,  17,  35. 
Morden,  22. 

MordenandMoll,22,23. 
Mortier,  21. 
Mosley,  232. 
Overton,  24. 
Parkman  Collection,  19, 

32.  38. 

Popple,  25,  59. 

Quadus,  207. 

Raffeix,  19. 

Raudin,  19. 

Spragg,  68. 

van  Keuler,  21,  39. 

Vaugordy,  20. 

Wells,  23. 

Wytfliet,  17,  207. 
Marin,  M.,  96. 
Marmet,  Jacques,  mission- 
ary, 75. 


294 


Index, 


Marshall,  Captain,  92. 
Marshall,  Judge,  187. 
Mauser,  Casper,  193. 
Megapolensis,     Rev.    Jo- 
hannes, 12. 
Memphis,  Tenn.,  208. 
Michilimackinack,   7,7^  65, 
^^69*  ^77.  179- 
Minissinck  Country,  56 
Mitchell,  Dr.  John,  17,59, 

230. 
Monay,  John,  190. 
Monecatoocha,    Chief  on 

the  Ohio,  121,  144. 
Montcalm,  General,  161. 
Montgomery,  John,  193. 
Montgomery    Co.,     lenn., 

190. 

Montmagny,  Gov.  of  Can- 
ada, 218. 

Montour,  Mr.,  143. 

Moravians,  184. 

Morehead,  Gov.  of  Ken- 
tucky, 202. 

Morgan  Co.,Ky.,  190,  201. 

Morris,  Gov.    of    Penna., 

^/30.  143,  145. 

Mount  Washington,  10 

Moytoy,  Chief  of  Chero- 
kees,  210. 


Nelson,  Thomas,  249. 
Nelson,  William,  268. 
Newfoundland,     W.    Va., 
90. 

Nicaragua,  10. 
Nimmo,  William,  249. 


Ohio  Company,  86,  ^^, 
loi,  240,  259,  263,  266, 
273. 

Okenechee  Path,  220, 
231. 

Onondaga,  N.  Y.,  15,  95, 
121. 

Oswego,  N,  K  {Chouegen), 
.83,  91,  93,  127. 
Ouasioto  Mts.,  197. 


Nashville,  Tenn.,  208. 
Neasam,  Jack,  220. 
Needham, ,  236. 


Pears,  Richard,  112. 
Peckham,  Sir  George,  10. 
Peters,    Richd.,    Secy,    of 

Penna.,  134. 
Pitt.  Sir  Wm.,  158. 
Pittsburgh^  Penn.,  197. 
Point  Pleasant,  \'^'7>^  198. 
Pontiac,  Ottawa  Chief,  48, 

166,  176,  177. 
Post,    Christ.   Fred.,    160, 

"^71- 
Powell's  Valley,  138,  186, 

193- 
Presqu'ile,  Penna.,  162. 


Index. 


295 


Ragueneau,  P^re,  S.  J.,  33. 
Raleigh,  N.  Ca.,  212. 
Randolph,  Peter,  139. 
Randolph,  Mr.,  224. 
Raystown,  Pa,,  160. 
Rivers: 
Acansea  Sipi,  21. 
Akansea        Septentrio- 

nale,  21. 
Alabama,  39. 
Alamance  Creek,  213. 
Allegany  (Olighin),  25, 
30,   31,   50,   61,    168, 
169,  249,  254,  267. 
Alliwegi  Sipi,  13. 
Apalachicola,  39,  59. 
Arkansas  (Basire),   18, 

38. 
Atigu6  (French  Creek), 

44.  163. 
Aux    Boeufs     (French 

Creek),  26,  146 
Aux  Cannes,  163. 
Basire  (Arkansas),   18, 

Bear  Grass  Creek,  195. 
Beaver  Creek,  27,  169. 
Belle    Riviere    (Ohio), 
18,    21,    23,   25,   155, 

.i59»  163. 
Big  Bone  Lick,  194. 
Big  Hockhocking,  183. 
Black  Creek,  209. 
Boone's  Creek,  189. 


Rivers: 

Buffalo's     Creek,     249, 

254,  267. 
Bushy  Run,  J70,  172. 
Cabin  Creek,  195. 
Cane  Creek,  163. 
Casqui,  Kasqui,  9,  210. 
Chaboussioua,  20. 
Cherakee,        Cherokee 
(Tennessee),   20,  25, 
37,  46,  49. 
Chiningue,     Skenango, 

Chenango,  20,  27. 
Choto  (Holston),  115. 
Choucagoua  (Ohio),  19, 

61. 
Clinch,  138,  193,  200. 
Cosquinambaux,  21,  59. 
Cumberland,     30,     31, 
138,    186,     190,    202, 
204  et  seq. 
Cusates,  Cusatzes,  9, 59, 

210. 
Delaware,  32,  49. 
Duck,  205. 
Elk  Creek,  163. 
Elkhorn,   187,  194. 
Elk  River,  206. 
Euphasee,  28. 
French  Creek  (Atigue, 
Aux  Boeufs),  26,  44, 
85,  152,  162,  167,168. 
French  Lick,  208. 
Ganahooche,  59. 


296 


Index. 


Rivers: 

Green    Brier,    90,    116, 

197,  265,  272. 
Haw,  213. 
Hiawassee,  210. 
Hickman  Creek,  194. 
Hogohegee,  24,  26,  28, 

39. 
Holston    (Choto),    28, 

59,  114,  116,  128,  137, 

140,   202,  205,  212  et 

seq.,  240. 
Illinois,  18,25,  i45»  146, 

164,  174,  178.  237. 
Jessamine,  194. 
Johnston,  232. 
Juniata,  176. 
Kanawha,    Great   Ken- 

awha.  Big  Conhaway, 

17,  25,  26,  28,49,  166, 

183,  197  et  seq.,  235, 

265,  270,  272. 
Kanantaguat,  217. 
Kaskaskias,  178. 
Kentucky,  187, 190,  193, 

202,  204. 
Keowee,  205. 
Kiskiminitas,   Kiskomi- 

nettoe     Creek,     1 60, 

265,  270,  272. 
Licking,  201. 
Loyalhannon,   1 70. 
Maumee,  31,  51. 
Miami,  28,  31,  37,  270. 
Mic,  74.      ......... 


Rivers: 

Monongahela,    Mohon- 

galy,  25,  26,  31,   50, 

94,  98,  106,  109,  116, 

195,  265,  270,  272. 

Muskingum,  10,  50,  163, 

172,  184. 
Ne\v,  137,  197,  235,  270. 
Nolichuky,  215. 
Occabacke,  74. 
Ohio,  first  heard  of,  13; 
name  on  first  map,  1 7; 
names  of,  19. 
Oiapigaming,  19. 
Oil  Creek,  12. 
Olighin  (Allegany),  61. 
Old  Chaouanon,  25. 
Ouespere,  209. 
Ouabache      (Wabash), 

26,  74.  155.  209. 
Ouabouskigon,  17. 
Pedee,  39,  232. 
Pelesipi,  25,  26. 
Powell's,  138. 
Red,  190. 

Red  Stone  Creek,  no. 
Roanoke,  220,  223,  232. 
Romanettos         Creek, 
249,    254,    265,    267, 
270,  272. 
Rorenock,  38. 
Sabsquigs,  22. 
St.    Jerome  (Wabash), 

20,  25. 
St.  Joseph,  167. 


Index. 


297 


\\ 


Rivers: 

St.  Louis,  61. 
Salmon,  36,  69. 
Salt,  24. 

Sandy  Creek,  140. 
Sapony,  222,  232. 
Savannah,  59,  205. 
Sciota,    Chianotho,    Si- 

koder,    Sonioto,    27, 

39,  45,  47  et  seq.,  54 

et  seq.,  iii,  153. 
Shawan,  38. 
Shenango,     Chiningue, 

27. 
Shurtees  Creek,  265  et 

seq.,  270. 
Staunton,  232. 
Stoner's  Creek,  201. 
Susquehannah,   10,    31, 

49. 
Tanassee  ]  28,    30,    31, 
>-205,  210  et 
Tenessee  )  seq. 
Tugels,  205. 
Turtle  Creek,  149. 
Watauga,  189,  202,  212. 
White  Woman's  Creek, 

20,  163. 
Will's  Creek,   loi,  103, 

\\^  et  seq.,  269. 
Wisconsin,  18. 
Wood  River,  232,  239, 

270. 
Yadkin,  1 89  et  seq. 
NyYauyaugain,  269. 

38 


Rivers: 

Yellow  Creek,  249,  267. 
Robertson,  James,  213  et 

seq. 
Robertson  Co.,  Tenn.,  190. 
Roseboom,  Captain,  66. 
Rowan,  Prest.  of  N.  Ca., 

115. 
Rutherford,  John,  128. 


St.  A  sap  lis,  206. 

St.  Clair,  Arthur,  182. 

St.   Clair,   Sir  John,   129, 

130. 
Salt  Licks,  Ohio,  1 83. 
Sandusky,  Ohio,  45,  167. 
Sargent,  John,  197. 
Scaroyady,  the  Half  King, 

94,  121  et  seq.,  142. 
Schuyler,  Abrm.,  58. 
Schuyler,  Arent,  40. 
Schuyler,  David,  57. 
Schuyler,  Peter,  35,  58. 
Scruniyattha,     the     Half 

King,  III. 

Sharpe,  Gov.  of  Maryland, 

"5.  130. 
Sharpe,  W.,  266. 

Shawangunck  Mts.,  Ulster 
Co.,N.  v.,  ^y. 

Shingiss    Shingo,    Indian 

Chief,  50,  142. 
Smith,    Captain  John,  of 

Virga.,  3s*  231. 


298 


Index. 


Smith,  Samuel,  273. 
Smith,  William,  22. 
Smyth,  Dr.  O.  F.  D.,  203. 
Spearing,  Lieut,  129. 
Spotswood,  Gov.   of  Va., 

74>  238. 
Staggs,  Colonel,  228. 
Stanwix,    Colonel    John, 

150. 
Stephens,  Colonel  Adam, 

171. 
Stewart,  John,  190,  192. 
Stoner,    Michael,     200   et 

seq. 

Sunbury,  Penna.,  169. 


Talon,  Intendant  of  Can- 
ada, 64. 

Taylor, ,  194. 

Taylor,  Handcock,  194. 

Thornton,  Wm.,  249. 

Tonty,  Henry,  41,  51. 

Townshend,  Charles,  93. 

Transylvania,   Colony  of, 
206. 

Transylvania,     Common- 
wealth of,  204  ei  seq. 


Treaties: 

with  Indians,  at  Ft. 
Stanwix,  N.  Y.,  174, 
192,  197. 

with  Indians,  at  Lancas- 
ter,  Pa.,  47,   53,    82, 
.i  56,  253. 

with  Indians,  at  Locha- 
ber,  S.  Ca.,  192. 

of  Paris,  165,  178,  27,3. 

of  Utrecht,  72,  76,  80, 
^2,  238. 
Trent,  Captain,  97,  103. 
Trois    Rivieres,    Canada, 

Tryon,  Governor  of  N.  Y., 

198. 
Tuttrel,  John,  202. 


van  Corlear,  Arent,  35,  41. 
Vandalia,  Colony  of,  174, 

177. 
Venango,  Pa.,  20,  85,  no. 
Vincennes,  M.,  180. 


Walden's  Mountain,  193. 


»v,o.xcx.  ^x,  zK,a,e,  seq.         Walden's  Mountain,  lor 
Transylvania     Company,  |  Walker,  Thomas,  89,  137, 

138,  186. 


202. 
Treaties: 

with   Indians,  in    1701, 

.35»  36. 
with    Indians,  in    1726, 
36. 


Walpole  Company,  89. 
Walpole's  Grant,  1 74. 
Walpole,  Horace,  118. 
Walpole,    Thomas,     1 74, 
197.277. 


i:^„.;,.x 


Index. 


Walsingham,  Sir  Francis, 

lO. 

Ward,  Ensign,  io6,  109. 
Warner,  Charles  Dudley, 
22. 

Washington,  Augustin, 
88,  249. 

Washington,  George,  88, 
103,  109,  III  etseq.,  122, 
i4i»  i5i>  159'   168,  263. 

Washington,  Lawrence, 
'^^y  249. 

Waterford,  Penna.,  168. 

Weiser,  Conrad,  117. 

Western  Reserve,  Ohio,  54. 


299 


I  Wharton,  Samuel,  197. 

'Whitley,  Wm.,  195. 

Williams,  John,  202. 

Williams,  Margaret,  1 56. 
Winchester,  Va.,  114,  122. 

Winsor,  Justin,  16. 

Wolfe,  General,   158. 

Wood,  Colonel  or  Gen- 
eral, 16,  74,  207,  220  et 
^^9'y  235  etseq. 

Wood,  Doctor,  195. 

Woods,  Thomas,  220,  230. 

Woodrop,      Wardrop, 
James,  249,  273. 


